Erika Andiola (left) speaks at a press conference about immigration reform held by the Dream Action Coalition on Dec. 4, 2013 in Washington, D.C.
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Erika Andiola (left) speaks at a press conference about immigration reform held by the Dream Action Coalition on Dec. 4, 2013 in Washington, D.C.
Win McNamee/Getty Images
Immigration activists are gearing up for a fight to push President-elect Joe Biden to do more to counter the measures taken by President Trump that made life more uncomfortable for the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the county.
But they may find they get less than they hope for from the Biden administration, which finds itself having to balance the demands of activists with the inherent limits on executive powers.
Biden pledged during his campaign to use those powers to reverse many of President Trump’s most controversial actions. His plan includes a 100-day moratorium on deportations, restoring protections for young immigrants brought to the country illegally as children, and eliminating Trump’s restrictions on asylum seekers.
But some immigrant-rights groups like the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services, Movimiento Cosecha and United We Dream want more.
“We need advocates and people who wake up every day thinking about how they’re going to fix the system so that people like myself and people like my family and others who are seeking refuge here have the ability to have a better life,” said Erika Andiola, an immigrant rights activist and advocacy director for RAICES.
Recognizing that the political divide in Congress makes a major overhaul of the immigration system unlikely, the groups are pushing for Biden to use the power of his pen to take steps sooner rather than later.
Their requests include returning undocumented immigrants wrongfully deported under Trump, stopping detention of asylum seekers, expanding the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, and using other executive powers like Temporary Protected Status to protect more undocumented immigrants.
We say out loud, we say it clear: DACA IS THE FLOOR, NOT THE CEILING.
We demand permanent protection for undocumented people!
We demand Abolishment of ICE and CBP.
We demand Moratorium on deportations
We demand BOLD Admin actions that protect people from deportation.
Biden transition officials did not directly address some of the activists’ demands, but said they have already had dozens of meetings with groups who are sharing their views.
Transition spokesperson Jennifer Molina said Biden is committed to ensuring his administration’s immigration policies “restore order, dignity and fairness to our system.” She cited his commitments to help those seeking asylum, reinstate DACA and introduce legislation that includes a pathway to citizenship.
“President-elect Biden is also committed to having an open dialogue with groups across a wide spectrum to ensure his administration is meeting the needs of the community,” Molina said.
While Biden promised to reverse Trump’s most restrictive immigration policies, he did not include immigration among his four top priorities: the coronavirus pandemic, economic recovery, racial equity and climate change.
That was intentional, said a person familiar with transition discussions. He told NPR that the Biden campaign and then the transition team felt that immigration activists had become too adversarial.
“There are a number of people within Team Biden who are just uncomfortable with a lot of the policy initiatives that they recommend, which is why when you saw Biden’s four core issues immigration was not one of them,” he said.
The divide between the incoming administration and activists dates back to the Obama administration when immigration-rights advocates were not happy with how former President Obama handled enforcement issues — a period where Obama had been dubbed the “deporter-in-chief” for his record on deportations.
It wasn’t until his second term that Obama shifted his focus and began prioritizing the removal of those with serious criminal records or who posed national security threats.
Biden is largely expected to go back to the priorities that were in place at the end of the Obama administration.
Theresa Cardinal Brown, the director of immigration and cross-border policy at the Bipartisan Policy Center and a former senior adviser on immigration in both the Bush and Obama administrations, says the Biden administration must be careful not to unwind Trump’s restrictions too quickly before getting their own processing system in place — or they will risk a new surge at the border.
“They can’t say, ‘Oh, wait, migrants — don’t arrive just yet. We’re not going to be nasty to you. But don’t come for another two months so we can get this in place.’ Like, that’s not how it works,” she said.
The administration can’t just stop enforcing immigration law, Brown said.
“Activists are going to be active. That’s their job. Their job is to try to push as hard as they can,” Brown says. “But reality for the party and governance is they have to balance those demands with what they can actually get done.”
But turning the clock back to the Obama years is not enough, said Bruna Sollod, communications director at United We Dream, an immigrant youth-led organization.
“When you talk to Latinx folks in states like Arizona, like there is a mandate there from this administration to go bold, to do progressive action,” she said. “It’s not to go back to what it was under Obama, because that certainly didn’t work. It’s not to keep things in the status quo. It’s to actually take action.”
More moderate groups like the National Immigration Forum support rolling back many of Trump’s executive orders but cautioned the Biden team against going too far. Executive Director Ali Noorani, who has had multiple conversations with the transition team, has urged the incoming administration to return to the priority enforcement practices of the Obama administration.
“From the perspective of the immigrant community, they want to live in a safe community just like anybody else,” Noorani said. “So I don’t think that the immigrant community wants to see a moratorium on the deportation of public safety threats.”
Supporters of Biden say executive orders often are only short term gains because they can be overturned by the next administration — or challenged in court.
Litigation has also become a weapon used by opponents to stop or limit policy making from the executive side. DACA, for example, faces a significant legal challenge that could lead to its end – or eliminate work authorization permissions.
The incoming administration is sensitive to activists’ demands. Biden nodded to the concerns when he picked the first Latino immigrant to lead the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees immigration enforcement.
Introducing Alejandro Mayorkas as his pick for Homeland Security Secretary, Biden said Mayorkas knows “we are a nation of laws and values.”
Advocates remember Mayorkas from his work crafting the DACA program. which protected hundreds of thousands of young immigrants from deportation.
In a Biden video promoting his pick, Mayorkas spoke about his Cuban heritage and his family’s migration to the United States. There was no mention of enforcement — which will be a key part of his job.
“I hope I represent for others the opportunities that this country provides to everyone based on hard work, dedication and commitment to things that matter most,” Mayorkas said.
I’m very proud of my identity, I’m very proud of my heritage, I’m very proud of my parents, and most of all I’m proud to be a United States citizen.
As Secretary of Homeland Security, I hope I can represent for others the opportunities that America provides to everyone. pic.twitter.com/Kej9Nt3ZTu
Howard Berkes (seated, front row right) volunteered to be part of a COVID-19 research study this year. He says his family, photographed here in the 1960s, had a history of stepping up during difficult times. That includes his grandparents (in middle), who fled the pogroms of Eastern Europe in the 1920s to raise a family in the United States.
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Berkes family
Howard Berkes (seated, front row right) volunteered to be part of a COVID-19 research study this year. He says his family, photographed here in the 1960s, had a history of stepping up during difficult times. That includes his grandparents (in middle), who fled the pogroms of Eastern Europe in the 1920s to raise a family in the United States.
Berkes family
I come from people who did what needed to be done when faced with personal or community crisis. And I have a long history of experience with vaccines.
So, when I heard about the COVID-19 vaccine trial taking place where I live in Salt Lake City, I didn’t hesitate. I already knew the research team because I’d been through two unrelated vaccine trials in the last year. I was familiar with the pin pricks, protocols, clinic visits, informed consent forms and piles of paperwork. I already knew the trial’s doctor, nurses and medical assistants.
“Sure,” the nurse told me when I called the clinic. “We need people for this trial and you’d be great.”
I seemed like a good candidate because I’m at the pandemic-risky age of 66, but relatively healthy and active. My wife Wanda fits that description as well. So, we both endured two hours of questions, medical history reviews, and checks of temperature, blood pressure, hearts and lungs. We scrupulously read informed consent forms, considered all the caveats, did our own research, and signed. Needles and vials came out and we had our first sharp but gentle jabs.
It was a big production that day and later for the second round of injections. The medical assistants, nurse and doctor flitted in and out of the tiny examination room, always politely apologizing for the questions, the probing, the crowding, and especially the paperwork. We were patients 2 and 3 and they were still working out the kinks of the routine. They were checking each other along the way. “Did you have them sign this page?” “Did you tell them about that?” “Did you get their blood?”
We gave lots of blood.
We didn’t know then and we still don’t know who in our group of volunteers got the real vaccine and who got the placebo. The research team doesn’t know. It’s a double-blind study. So, even Moderna, the vaccine developer, isn’t supposed to know. Only the independent vaccine overseers are supposed to have access to that information.
The author and his wife Wanda both volunteered for the double-blind trial of Moderna’s COVID-19 vaccine. At this point, neither knows if they received the vaccine or a placebo.
Howard Berkes
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Howard Berkes
The author and his wife Wanda both volunteered for the double-blind trial of Moderna’s COVID-19 vaccine. At this point, neither knows if they received the vaccine or a placebo.
Howard Berkes
Like everyone else, Wanda and I have been trying to guess, based on our reactions to the vaccines. But those reactions were minor, so it’s hard to say. Moderna haspromised that eventually everyone in the placebo group will be offered the vaccine, so we’ll find out then.
In any case, we aren’t worried. We know that the Moderna vaccine uses synthetic COVID-19 mRNA. There’s nothing in it that could actually give us the coronavirus. And in the early preliminary trial with a very small group, there were no serious side effects.
Still, friends asked us why we did this.
That got me thinking about my people and their history, and my own long experience with vaccines.
First, there’s the example set by my grandmother. When she boarded the New Rochelle, a massive passenger ship, in Le Havre, France, in 1921, she was 24 and pregnant. Really pregnant — close to delivery. And she feared that alone would get her kicked off the ship before it left port, or deported once she arrived at Ellis Island. She and 22-year-old Moise, the man who would become my grandfather, couldn’t again face deadly pogroms, severely restricted lives, and forced service in armies fighting hopeless battles. That’s what they and other Jews were fleeing in eastern Europe.
Moise and Ruchel were determined to get to America, their promised land, so Ruchel did what needed to be done. She put on layer after layer of heavy coats, and wore them the entire voyage. It was winter on the high seas so that may have seemed sensible. Other immigrants wore lots of clothes, too, so they had more room for more things in their luggage.
It worked for Ruchel. She hid that pregnancy from the 2,000 other migrants on board, from the ship’s crew, and from the immigration officers at Ellis Island.
One officer did note a medical problem on the immigration arrival form, so my family suspects that a government doctor discovered the pregnancy during an examination but let it go — doing what needed to be done for these young refugees desperate for new lives.
Moise and Ruchel Berkes, the author’s grandparents, had their daughter Reba just days after arriving at Ellis Island in the early 1920s. Moise first sold apples on the street to support his suddenly expanded family (shown here when Reba was 2 or 3).
Marcy Lutzker
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Marcy Lutzker
Moise and Ruchel Berkes, the author’s grandparents, had their daughter Reba just days after arriving at Ellis Island in the early 1920s. Moise first sold apples on the street to support his suddenly expanded family (shown here when Reba was 2 or 3).
Marcy Lutzker
Ruchel and Moise Berkes’ daughter Reba was born four days later; the new father sold apples on the street to support his suddenly expanded family.
My father Milton came along a few years after that. He eventually became a local elected official in a Philadelphia suburb. In 1957, when I was 3, the first non-white family moved into a Levittown neighborhood, and my father and other community leaders found themselves facing down white racists, who rioted night after night. The rioters burned a cross, honked horns, and screamed ugly insults and threats.
My dad and a group of other leaders stood with the family, as they all stood up to the mob, which required unblinking commitment and some physical and political risk. The rioting subsided, the Black family stayed, and more families of color moved in, too. In his own time of reckoning, my father did what needed to be done.
Later, as a state representative and Pennsylvania’s first drug czar, my father Milton authored a law that transformed Pennsylvania’s treatment of drug addiction, turning state policy away from incarceration and toward rehabilitation. His work on drug policy resulted in another test — for both of us.
I was in my early teens, home alone one night, forced to field the regular phone calls we’d get from people looking for my dad, often looking for his help. One caller that night was desperate. Suicidal. He talked about his drug use and his hopelessness. “There’s no point in going on,” he cried. So, I just talked and talked, kid to kid, thinking fast about what to say. “There’s help,” I told him. “There are people who can get you through this. Hang on. I’ll get someone to call you.”
My dad phoned the desperate caller back later and he did provide help and hope, connecting him with a treatment program. That night we both did what needed to be done.
There’s also this, when I think about why I signed up for experimental shots aimed at COVID-19: I have my own long and deep experience with vaccines, starting at a very early age.
Berkes still has the vaccination form he received from being inoculated against smallpox in 1954 as an infant.
Howard Berkes
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Howard Berkes
Berkes still has the vaccination form he received from being inoculated against smallpox in 1954 as an infant.
Howard Berkes
I still have a wrinkled yellow certificate dated November 1954, from the Pennsylvania Department of Health. It proved to all who cared that I had a “successful vaccination” for smallpox in my right arm at age 9 months.
And maybe more influential was my experience three years later. when the United States was panicking about the crippling infectious disease called polio. First came the Salk vaccine, which required a series of three injections. People waited in lines for hours to get their shots, my mom among them.
My mom Ethel saved for decades a tiny newspaper clipping with a brief headline: “Three-Year-Old Overshot.”
I was that 3-year-old, and had gone with my mother to the local hospital. She was getting a Salk vaccine polio shot herself, and I was just standing in line alongside her. I’d already had my three shots — my mom made sure the nurse at the front of the line knew that. But in the rush of people getting poked, and with my mom distracted, a doctor suddenly nailed me in the arm with my own fourth shot.
A newspaper clipping from the 1950s describes Howard Berkes’ accidental “extra” vaccination for polio when he was a child.
Howard Berkes
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Howard Berkes
A newspaper clipping from the 1950s describes Howard Berkes’ accidental “extra” vaccination for polio when he was a child.
Howard Berkes
My mom freaked, but, the doctor told her not to worry. The extra vaccination wouldn’t hurt me. Think of it as a booster shot, he said. She kept a sharp eye on me as time wore on, but I was fine.
After that, I was all in for vaccines – a dutiful pincushion for shots, when necessary, against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, measles, mumps and rubella.
There was one exception in 1976, when I was 22, and an outbreak of swine flu at an Army base in New Jersey triggered fears of a pandemic. No one off the base became infected and the vaccine that was rushed out seemed to be involved in some rare but nasty side effects. That scared me and I wound up avoiding flu shots for the next 40 years, probably at my own peril.
But with advancing age and increased risk from flu I decided it was time to man up. I not only subjected myself to vaccines again, but became a voluntary guinea pig in trials for new flu and pneumonia vaccines.
I suffered no major side effects from either of those vaccines (or any other) and, coincidentally, both trials were handled by the research team at my medical clinic, which is also conducting the Moderna COVID-19 vaccine trial here in Utah.
So, it was easy for me to sign up for the Moderna trial.
And, beneath it all, there’s this: I can’t make people wear masks. I can’t force anybody to maintain safe physical distance. I can’t revive the 280,000 Americans who’ve died. I can’t protect the 15 million who’ve been diagnosed. I can’t restore jobs and paychecks. I can’t keep people from losing homes. I can’t reopen schools, restaurants, gyms and bars. I can’t keep ICU’s from overflowing with coronavirus patients. I can’t magically ease the burden of doctors, nurses and other medical professionals who are risking their lives every day, and sometimes falling ill and dying themselves.
And I can’t force politicians to exercise leadership, and to ignore the selfish political “don’t tread on me” resistance to doing what needs to be done.
But I can be Patient 3, tolerating two needle pricks in the arm in a month, giving up vial after vial of blood, enduring multiple deep swabs into my nostril and throat, and regularly reporting any changes in my medications or health.
These are actually very small acts with negligible risk. But, right here and right now, it’s precisely what needs to be done.
Howard Berkes is a retired NPR Investigations Correspondent living in Salt Lake City. He spent 38 years at NPR and has earned more than 40 national journalism awards.
Mr. Brooks has been trying to drum up support. He met last week with about a half-dozen senators, including Mike Lee of Utah, and separately with the conservative House Freedom Caucus.
“My No. 1 goal is to fix a badly flawed American election system that too easily permits voter fraud and election theft,” Mr. Brooks said. “A possible bonus from achieving that goal is that Donald Trump would win the Electoral College officially, as I believe he in fact did if you only count lawful votes by eligible American citizens and exclude all illegal votes.”
It remains unclear how broad a coalition he could build. More than 60 percent of House Republicans, including the top two party leaders, joined a legal brief supporting the unsuccessful Texas lawsuit asking the Supreme Court to overturn the election results. But it is one thing to sign a legal brief and another to officially contest the outcome on the House floor.
Some Republicans including Representative Scott Perry of Pennsylvania and Matt Gaetz have also signaled they could support an objection. Mr. Brooks said he had been speaking with others who were interested. But prominent allies of the president who have thrown themselves headfirst into earlier fights, like Representative Jim Jordan of Ohio or even the House minority leader, Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, have so far been publicly noncommittal.
“All eyes are on Jan. 6,” Mr. Gaetz said on Fox News Friday night after the Supreme Court rejected Texas’ suit. “I suspect there will be a little bit of debate and discourse in the Congress as we go through the process of certifying the electors. We still think there is evidence that needs to be considered.”
Mr. Paul, Republican of Kentucky, said he would “wait and see how all the legal cases turn out” before deciding what to do.
Mr. Johnson plans to hold a hearing this week “examining the irregularities in the 2020 election,” featuring Ken Starr, the former independent counsel who is a favorite of the right, and at least two lawyers who have argued election challenges for Mr. Trump. Whether he proceeds to challenge results on Jan. 6, he told reporters last week, “depends on what we find out.”
Groups of Proud Boys and Antifa activists clashed under cover of darkness, with police repeatedly forcing them apart amid reports of brawls and stabbings.
Fast Facts
A spokeswoman for the Metropolitan Police Department said earlier there had been six arrests in connection with the demonstrations as of early Saturday evening, but she could not say on what charges. The department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the after-dark clashes.
Several unverified videos on Twitter posted during the protests from the area appeared to show people bleeding and being treated by police.
At least one police officer was injured in the clashes, according to Washington’s WJLA-TV, which tweeted video of the officer being helped away by colleagues.
Follow below for updates on the protests. Mobile users click here.
MILWAUKEE—Ruby Rodriguez remembers the days when English class meant walking to her desk, talking to friends and checking the board.
Now class begins when her classmates’ names appear online. She sits alone at the dining room table, barefoot and petting the family dog. It’s her freshman year at St. Anthony High School, a private Catholic school in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. She doesn’t know what her classmates look like, since nobody ever turns on their cameras.
After schools in Milwaukee went remote last March, Ruby and her friends in eighth grade at St. Anthony’s middle school missed their graduation ceremonies and parties. Her close friends attended different high schools, mostly other private schools that offered in-person instruction. St. Anthony, like many schools in urban areas, including Milwaukee Public Schools, started the fall semester online for pandemic safety reasons.
Virtual learning might be keeping Ruby, 14, and her family safer during a public health crisis. But it has made it exponentially harder for her to stay motivated and learn. Her online classes are lecture heavy, repetitive and devoid of student conversation. Her grades have dropped from A’s and B’s to D’s and F’s. She stays up too late. She sleeps a lot. She misses her friends.
Like millions of students attending school virtually this year, Ruby is floundering academically, socially and emotionally. And as the pandemic heaves into a winter surge, a slew of new reports show alarming numbers of kids falling behind, failing classes or not showing up at all.
For months, experts hoped a return to classrooms would allow teachers to address the lapses in children’s academic and social needs. For many students, that hasn’t happened.
The goalposts are constantly shifting on a return to in-person learning, and about half of U.S. students are attending virtual-only schools. It’s becoming increasingly clear districts and states need to improve remote instruction and find a way to give individual kids special help online.
At the moment, plans to help students catch up are largely evolving, thin or non-existent.
The consequences are most dire for low-income and minority children, who are more likely to be learning remotely and less likely to have appropriate technology and home environments for independent study, compared with their wealthier peers. Children with disabilities and those learning English have particularly struggled in the absence of in-class instruction. Many of those students were already lagging academically before the pandemic. Now, they’re even further behind — with time running out to meet key academic benchmarks.
In high-poverty schools, 1 in 3 teachers report their students are significantly less prepared for grade-level work this year compared with last year, according to a report by the RAND Corporation, a nonprofit research institution. Class failure rates have skyrocketed in school systems from Fairfax County, Virginia, to Greenville, South Carolina. Fewer kindergarteners met early literacy targets in Washington, D.C., this fall. And math achievement has dropped nationwide, according to a report that examined scores from 4.4 million elementary and middle school students.
“This is not going to be a problem that goes away as soon as the pandemic is over,” said Jimmy Sarakatsannis, leader of education practice at consulting firm McKinsey and Company. He co-authored a new report that estimated the average student could lose five to nine months of learning by June, with students of color losing more than that.
Beyond that, tens of thousands of children are unaccounted for altogether. Hillsborough County, Florida, started the year missing more than 7,000 students. Los Angeles saw kindergarten enrollment drop by about 6,000. There’s scant data about missing students’progress, of course, but few presume they’re charging ahead academically.
“We almost need a disaster plan for education,” said Sonya Thomas, executive director of Nashville Propel, a community group that works with many Black parents in Tennessee.
The Nashville school system offered some in-person learning in October and November before reverting to all-virtual instruction after Thanksgiving, as COVID-19 cases surged. Some parents say their children are failing every single subject, Thomas said.
Others say they still don’t have digital devices or high-speed internet, or that their children’s special-education learning plans aren’t being followed. One father said his middle school child struggles so much online, he walks out of the house and doesn’t come back until nighttime, Thomas said.
“Our parents are afraid their kids are falling behind, and they don’t know what the solution is,” Thomas said. “They’re looking for leadership. They’re looking for help.”
How much has learning slowed this year?
Nine months after COVID-19 shuttered schools and prompted the country’s largest experiment with virtual learning, the extent of academic regression is still a guessing game. And it looks different from student to student.
Johnny Murphy, 15, struggled for a month this fall to learn how to unmute himself during live video lessons with his class at Vaughn High School in Chicago. Murphy has autism and an intellectual disability.
His mother, Barbara Murphy, knows her son likely will never read beyond a third-grade level. But he’s backtracking on educational goals like engaging appropriately with his peers, and on life goals like leaving the house safely and using money, she said.
“It’s been like summer break all year.”
For Lily McCollum, 15, classes move more slowly online than they did in person. She’s a sophomore at Southridge High School in Kennewick, Washington, where she’s been learning remotely all year.
“We’re probably the farthest behind in English and math,” she said. “It’s really hard to stay focused, especially if I don’t have my camera on.”
LaTricea Adams, the founder of Black Millennials 4 Flint in Michigan, figures local children are at least a year behind in their studies, based on what she’s heard from families and educators. Even before the pandemic, less than 30% of Flint’s third-grade students were proficient in English, according to the latest state test scores.
“Some of these kids really need one-on-one sessions, but that’s almost impossible for them to get in a virtual setting,” Adams said.
Quantifying the extent of learning loss is difficult.
American students in third through eighth grade have held steady in reading but have fallen behind in math since last fall, according to a report this month by nonprofit testing organization NWEA. The group examined academic progress in reading and math for 4.4 million students at 8,000 schools, with a big caveat. The students most likely to be tested were those attending classes in person, or attending schools with enough resources to test their remote learners.
In other words, the study makes the state of American education look better than it actually is, disproportionately reflecting the progress of students at higher-income schools who tend to score better on tests anyway.
‘Kids are going feral’
A team of researchers at Stanford University crunched NWEA test scores for students in 17 states and the District of Columbia and reached a more dire conclusion this fall. The average student had lost a third of a year to a full year’s worth of learning in reading, and about three-quarters of a year to more than a year in math since schools closed in March, the report estimated.
“Kids are going feral,” said Macke Raymond, director of the Center for Research on Education Outcomes at Stanford University. “Thousands of them are unaccounted for, with no contact since schools have closed.”
The predictions are only estimates, and they’re built on the assumption that students didn’t learn much at all between March and the start of this school year.
In any case, despite detailed findings for each school, some leaders in participating states have all but ignored the report.
Louisiana State Superintendent Cade Brumley said the report confirms what his department already suspected about learning loss. He said he’s asked Louisiana school leaders to do their own diagnostic testing, but it’s not mandatory.
Brumley supports additional tutoring for students, but he’s wary of adopting flashy new programs. Teachers, he said, will do what they’ve always done to help students learn: deliver high-quality instruction with a high-quality curriculum.
In Arizona, one of the other participating states, education department officials said they were not familiar with the report.
Tennessee posted the largest learning losses in reading, according to the report’s estimates.
Results varied within each state. For example, students at Tennessee’s wealthier schools didn’t lose much in reading achievement, or pulled ahead of where researchers estimated they’d be. But students at the most impoverished schools fell behind – way behind, according to the estimates.
Penny Schwinn, Tennessee’s commissioner of education, said her team is concerned about those estimates.
Some children are doing fine, Schwinn said. But teachers tell her that low-income students and English learners are tracking behind where they would normally be this time of year.
Tennessee has aimed to jump-start a recovery by creating an online parent platform with additional resources and also by expanding online tutoring.
But in Memphis and Nashville, where many schools have been operating online all year, several parents said their kids need more than that to catch up.
During a Zoom call in October hosted by Memphis Lift, a parent advocacy group, only four out of 11 parents said they’d heard directly from their child’s teacher this year.
Now the group is pushing state lawmakers to back the idea of personalized academic recovery plans for children falling behind.
Dionne Howell, a parent of a seventh grader and ninth grader in Memphis, supports the idea. From March until this fall, instructionwas pretty much nonexistent, she said.
“I know my children have not progressed as much as they should have.”
Boring lessons, disengaged students
It’s 12 minutes into Ruby Rodriguez’ hour-long English class, and the teacher is still welcoming students online and urging them to complete a “do now.” That’s a quick warm-up exercise to signal who’s present and thinking.
Students have read Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech as well as his “Letter from Birmingham Jail” essay. The warm-up is to explain which they prefer.
Ruby hasn’t written anything. She says shedoesn’t even know her teacher’s name.
“We’ve been working on these same things for a week,” she shrugged.
The teacher coaxes the class to consider why King wrote each piece the way he did, what rhetorical devices he used to make his argument. There’s no student conversation. Those who do respond send their messages privately to the teacher, rather than putting them in the group chat for all to see.
The teacher uses those private responses to type out some sentences for the class, and Ruby copies and pastes them into her own document. She’ll have to write an essay comparing these two literary works. At that point, she figures, it’s just a matter of weaving in her own sentences around what the teacher has written.
Ruby’s parents, Lauro and Alma, are worried. Lauro, who works at a local manufacturing plant, has contacted the assistant principal with his concerns. Alma, a certified nursing assistant who works second shift, has a hard time helping her daughter.
“This is the first time I’ve felt helpless,” Lauro said.
Huge losses for some students, not others
To be sure, some motivated learners haven’t slipped at all in this new era. Some prefer online learning. Others have progressed by attending classes in person.
Gabriella Staykova, a senior at Paul Laurence Dunbar High School in Lexington, Kentucky, learns remotely on a four-day schedule through a magnet program within her school. Five of her nine classes require her to engage online with her peers, and the other four are “self-guided,” she said.
Virtual learning actually gives her more time to work on side projects like Student Voice, a national youth-led nonprofit.
“Online education is not a big barrier to my academic success, but that’s not the case for the vast majority of students,” she said.
A fast internet connection, a comfortable and quiet place to study, a stable home life and previously high grades helped her to adapt this year.
The digital equity gap has long been a stumbling block in American education, but the pandemic has exacerbated the divide.
In one recent study of low-income families in Los Angeles, 1 out of 5 parents of elementary school students said their child was using a device other than a computer to access their remote studies — likely a phone, said Stephen Aguilar, the study’s lead author and an education professor at the University of Southern California.
Further, 1 out of 3 families reported they never or only sometimes had a place in the home free of distractions for a child to learn and study.Half of low-income parents surveyed said they rarely used a computer themselves.
“Many are not using technology every day, and yet we’re asking them to set up a remote schoolhouse for their children,” Aguilar said.
Those divides are determining how quickly children can resume academic progress.
In the RAND Corp. survey of teachers, their students’ preparedness was heavily tied to income.
“When we push and say, ‘Those students really need to be in person,’ we think about the fact that many students in high-poverty households are at higher risk for COVID-19 transmission,” said Julia Kaufman, a senior policy researcher at RAND who led the study. “There’s tension between those two things.”
Remote learning can be better. Here’s how
Leaders of several Black parent advocacy groups say most of their families don’t want to return to schools yet because of safety concerns. Many don’t see education going back to the way it was, so they’re pressuring schools to strengthen their virtual programs.
“Our Black children have long been failed by in-person learning, so we don’t want a return to the status quo,” said Lakisha Young, founder of The Oakland REACH, a parent advocacy group in Oakland, California.
“How would we design instruction differently now if we accepted we’re not going to return to schools until next fall?” she said.
Since the school shutdowns in spring, Oakland REACH hired family liaisons to help parents navigate financial challenges and their children’s education, Young said. It signed up children for the National Summer School Initiative, a series of recordings taught by skilled mentor teachers, who then supported local educators working with participating children.
“Parents told us their kids were getting up in the morning and wanted to get online,” Young said. “They literally wanted more summer school.”
The group also created a 5-week online summer literacy program for children in kindergarten through second grade, which increased scores by an average of two levels on the district’s reading assessment, Young said. The virtual program included small group lessons with teachers, recorded lessons, family literacy workshops, read-alouds of books featuring the experiences of Black children, and weekly community celebrations.
Creating community through screens
For both younger and older learners, online classes can and should be restructured to focus on community and peer-to-peer connections, said Mimi Ito, who studies youth media practices at the University of California-Irving.
At the moment, a lot of virtual classes feel like “a second-rate version of what’s done in a physical classroom,” she said, which is why they’re not very engaging.
Teachers can incorporate online gaming or social media into their classes, where children pursue goals or share content as part of a team or community, Ito said. She suggested games such as Minecraft and Roblox, or video platforms like TikTok and YouTube.
Steve Isaacs, a middle and high school gaming design teacher in Basking Ridge, New Jersey, addressed science and current events this fall by having students build models of the COVID-19 virus in Minecraft.
The game also allows students to build virtual museums or libraries, where they can show their knowledge of English and history standards, Isaacs said.
“I try to give kids choice in their learning pathways and activities,” he said. “On Zoom, I lecture less and split kids into a lot of breakout rooms, and then I randomly pop into them.”
Connections between students and teachers are easier to build when students’ cameras are on, but many districts have not required that for privacy reasons.
About a dozen high school students interviewed by USA TODAY said even with cameras off, they felt they learned more in virtual classes that featured an active group chat. Still, many could not say why the chat messages flowed readily in some classes and were silent in others.
‘If we can’t see the problem…’
At John Harris High School in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, teachers recently compiled the grades of all students still learning to speak and write in English. Until that point, no one had noticed that every English learner was failing at least one class. Spurred to action, they reached out to a local nonprofit focused on immigrants and refugees, which rounded up community tutors to work with students once a week. Teachers carved out extra time on Fridays for one-on-one sessions.
A month later, the percentage of English learners failing courses had dropped to 75%.
The pivot demonstrates the importance of assessing and surveying students — about their academic performance, their technical needs, or even for their thoughts on how to improve remote instruction, said Angela Jerabek, the executive director of BARR Education, a school-improvement nonprofit working with John Harris High School.
“We should be surging resources to the areas with the greatest need,” Jerabek said. “But if we can’t see the problem, we can’t solve the problem.”
Maybe it’s time to tune up that old snowblower that’s been sitting in your garage.
If the early forecast issued by AccuWeather late Saturday night holds up, parts of New Jersey could get blasted by more than a foot of snow from a big coastal storm expected to arrive on Wednesday and linger into early Thursday.
AccuWeather forecasters are calling for 12 to 18 inches of snow in North Jersey, 6 to 12 inches of snow in Central Jersey, 3 to 6 inches of snow in the state’s southwestern counties and mostly rain in the southeastern counties.
The forecasters are also calling for a heavy swath of snow in much of eastern Pennsylvania.
However, they note there is still a lot of uncertainty over the precise track the storm system will take, and the track will play a substantial role in which areas of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New York and other eastern states get socked with the heaviest snow.
The National Weather Service has not yet issued specific snowfall predictions for New Jersey and eastern Pennsylvania, but a forecaster from the weather service’s Mount Holly office said a foot of snow cannot be ruled out in some parts of the region.
Similar to the AccuWeather forecast, weather service meteorologist Robert Deal said the snowfall totals next week will be highly dependent on the storm track, as well as whether temperatures remain below the freezing mark prior to the storm and during the storm.
“The swath of heaviest snow and highest snowfall accumulation is dependent on the exact track of the storm, and small changes in where the storm tracks can lead to big changes in the amounts of snowfall for a given location,” AccuWeather senior meteorologist Tyler Roys said in a forecast published on the company’s website Saturday night.
“However, with a track near the mid-Atlantic and New England Coast looking more likely, the probability of the heaviest snow targeting parts of the mid-Atlantic and southern New England is also increasing,” he said.
Prior to Wednesday’s coastal storm, New Jersey faces the possibility of light snow from a fast-moving storm system on Monday. That storm is expected to bring 1 to 3 inches of snow to northern sections of the Garden State.
StormTeam4 from NBC4 in New York is also calling for a big snowfall accumulation in the New York City area and northern New Jersey, saying a foot or more could fall in Wednesday’s winter storm.
The forecasters also are predicting strong winds that will cause blowing and drifting snow.
Current weather radar
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House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Friday criticized House Republicans who joined a legal effort by Texas to overturn the election results in four key states that President-elect Joe Biden won in November.
“The 126 Republican Members that signed onto this lawsuit brought dishonor to the House,” Pelosi said. “Instead of upholding their oath to support and defend the Constitution, they chose to subvert the Constitution and undermine public trust in our sacred democratic institutions.”
In an unsigned order issued on Friday, the Supreme Court rejected the lawsuit brought by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton due to lack of standing.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Friday ripped into House Republicans who backed an effort by Texas to overturn the election results in four key states that President-elect Joe Biden won in November, accusing the members of “subverting the Constitution.”
The California Democrat lauded the Supreme Court’s decision to toss the Texas case, which sought to invalidate the electoral results from Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, states where President Donald Trump and his campaign have long alleged voter fraud without providing any evidence to back up their claims.
“The Court has rightly dismissed out of hand the extreme, unlawful and undemocratic GOP lawsuit to overturn the will of millions of American voters,” she said in a statement. “The 126 Republican Members that signed onto this lawsuit brought dishonor to the House. Instead of upholding their oath to support and defend the Constitution, they chose to subvert the Constitution and undermine public trust in our sacred democratic institutions.
In a brief unsigned order issued on Friday, the Supreme Court rejected the lawsuit brought by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a Trump ally, due to lack of standing. In addition to Paxton, 17 state attorneys general had signed an amicus brief backing the lawsuit.
“Texas has not demonstrated a judicially cognizable interest in the manner in which another State conducts its elections,” the Supreme Court’s order said. “All other pending motions are dismissed as moot.”
While the GOP signees represented a broad swath of conservative districts, much of the party’s House leadership was also on board, with Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy of California and Minority Whip Steve Scalise of Louisiana taking part in the lawsuit. But House Republican Conference Chair Liz Cheney of Wyoming, a member of the party’s leadership, did not join the lawsuit.
In her statement, Pelosi highlighted COVID-19, criticizing the GOP for not focusing their legislative efforts on tackling the public policy issues caused by the highly-contagious virus.
“The pandemic is raging, with nearly 300,000 having died and tens of millions having lost jobs,” she added. “Strong, unified action is needed to crush the virus, and Republicans must once and for all end their election subversion – immediately.”
Biden cruised to a 306-232 Electoral College victory in the 2020 presidential election. To win the presidency, a candidate must receive at least 270 electoral votes.
The continued Republican resistance to Biden’s victory comes as the Electoral College will meet on December 14, with electors set to formally cast their votes for the winners of each state.
Fox News Flash top entertainment and celebrity headlines are here. Check out what’s clicking today in entertainment.
Hollywood stars around the country are reacting to President Trump‘s latest legal defeat in his campaign’s fight against the 2020 presidential election results.
“The State of Texas’s motion for leave to file a bill of complaint is denied for lack of standing under Article III of the Constitution,” the Supreme Court’s order reads. “Texas has not demonstrated a judicially cognizable interest in the manner in which another State conducts its elections. All other pending motions are dismissed as moot.”
Many stars reacted to the court’s ruling on Friday and Saturday with gleeful remarks, but some pro-Trump celebs still stood behind the president.
Alyssa Milano was among the celebrities who supported the Supreme Court’s ruling on Friday over the Trump-backed Texas lawsuit over election results in four states. (Getty Images)
“Charmed” alum Alyssa Milano voiced her support of the decision, proclaiming that Joe Biden “won again.”
“It’s over. Biden won again. Supreme court rejects Trump-backed Texas lawsuit aiming to overturn election results,” she tweeted.
The actress also stressed in a second tweet that three of the judges involved in the Texas case were appointed by Trump.
“So…those 3 Trump appointed judges didn’t even side with Trump. THAT is all you need to know about this moment in history,” she wrote.
Meanwhile, Patricia Arquette, another star who repeatedly has criticized Trump and his administration, reacted on Twitter with the hashtags #BidenWinsAgain and #TrumpLosesAgain.
“Dear Elected Trump enablers, stop embarrassing yourselves. The country has had enough of you trying to hold us all hostage because you are trying to please a man who could give two s–ts about you or about doing his actual job,” Gad wrote on the platform.
Patricia Arquette reacted to the ruling by sharing the hashtag #BidenWinsAgain. (John Lamparski/WireImage)
On Saturday morning, President Trump took to Twitter to write, “WE HAVE JUST BEGUN TO FIGHT!!!”
Antonio Sabato Jr. responded to Trump’s tweet, writing positively, “WE WILL WIN!!!” The actor then shared the hashtag #DrainTheSwamp in an anti-Biden tweet.
“JOE BIDEN IS A FRAUD JUST LIKE TWITTER FB AND THE ENTIRE LIBERAL HOLLYWOOD COMMUNIST GROUP OF VERY BAD FOLKS WHO COULD CARELESS FOR TRUTH & LOGIC,” Sabato Jr. wrote.
Early Friday, Kevin Sorbo, who previously supported Trump ahead of the 2020 election, took a jab at the president-elect.
“Biden runs for President and loses twice. His third time he receives 81 million votes. Hollywood loves a good underdog story,” he said.
Shortly after, Sorbo declared his support for the Trump-backed lawsuit in Texas, declaring on Twitter that the Supreme Court “will rule in favor” of it.
However, after the suit was denied, Sorbo posted, “Patriots fight till the end.”
The 2020 election prompted an overwhelming amount of commentary from Hollywood stars, with a majority of left-leaning stars endorsing Biden ahead of the election, and Trump supporters taking to social media to rail against the former vice president, labeling him a “fraud.”
The inspector general stated that Wilkie and senior VA officials, while ignoring problems at the facility, “engaged in confrontational messaging” as they tried to discredit the veteran’s credibility and characterize her allegations as “unsubstantiated.”
“The tone set by Secretary Wilkie was at minimum unprofessional and at worst provided the basis for senior officials to put out information to national reporters to question the credibility and background of the veteran who filed the sexual assault complaint,” Inspector General Michael Missal concluded in his report.
However, the inspector general said while statements reported to have been made by Wilkie were “unprofessional and disparaging,” they did not violate the law or any department policy.
Wilkie responded to the report, saying the the VA takes all allegations of sexual assault seriously and claims made against him were “false.”
Numerous veterans groups, including the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Disabled American Veterans and Paralyzed Veterans of America, called for Wilkie’s ouster after the release of the report.
President-elect Joe Biden nominated former Obama White House chief of staff Denis McDonough on Thursday to succeed Wilkie at the VA.
Violence broke out in downtown D.C. Saturday night, with protesters and counter-protesters clashing after a rally in support of President Donald Trump.
Four people and two police officers were stabbed and taken to local hospitals, D.C. Fire and EMS told WTOP. Separately, three other people were injured and transported.
Supporters of President Trump returned to D.C. Saturday for a pair of rallies to back his efforts to overturn the election. Counter-protesters likewise showed up to make their voices heard at Black Lives Matter Plaza.
WTOP has contacted D.C. police to determine the number of arrests made and injuries reported. Police had arrested 6 people as of 7 p.m., per WTOP News partner NBC Washington.
WTOP’s Alejandro Alvarez said the Proud Boys, one of the more extreme right-wing groups at Saturday’s protests, were out “in force” around 8:30 p.m.
Proud Boys have spent the better part of an hour weaving through traffic around the fringes of Black Lives Matter plaza. They’re out in force tonight. This group walked up to an exit-only police cordon before doubling back to the Harrington. pic.twitter.com/wnu9uqtsJO
Alvarez also reported Proud Boys fighting with anti-Trump protesters just before 7 p.m.
Fights are breaking out between Proud Boys staying at hotels near the White House and protesters. Sporadic so far, one brief but intense clash ended with a firework going off at Hyatt Place near K and 16th. People still being treated for pepper spray exposure. pic.twitter.com/3ax3G8AHZd
WTOP’s Ken Duffy reported several “clashes” between protesters and counter-protesters in the general vicinity of the plaza as night fell. Duffy also witnessed police attempt to enter the crowds around 4:30 p.m. as water bottles and at least one smoke bomb rained down on them.
Duffy said a “silence” fell over the plaza as police blocked off three of the entrances to the plaza with police lines, creating a barricade preventing them from advancing or leaving the area.
D.C. police allowed protesters to leave through the one unblocked exit, and Black Lives Matter Plaza was nearly completely cleared out, Duffy reported.
He said several Trump supporters attempted to walk down Black Lives Matter Plaza, but were chased out by counter-protesters.
Complete chaos breaks out at Black Lives Matter Plaza between anti-Trump demonstrators and D.C. Police
Duffy reported that many of the counter-protesters were affiliated with the group DefendDC.
Earlier in the day, thousands gathered in downtown D.C. chanting “stop the steal” and “four more years” with flags waving.
The two most prominent groups at this protest are “Million MAGA March” and “Women for America First.” Both groups are calling for “transparency” as the Electoral College prepares to convene to seal Biden’s victory.
Freedom Plaza is one area where it’s hard to get a crowd view from ground level. Best try. The pro-Trump crowd is spread out between three events this morning—this, the Jericho March on the Mall and another rally at the Supreme Court. pic.twitter.com/XvG9YncjgQ
Some protesters began filtering into Black Lives Matter Plaza as early as Friday afternoon, and some traded barbed words with those who were already in the plaza.
On Friday, WTOP’s Ken Duffy said he witnessed an exchange where supporters of President Trump began yelling back and forth with counter protesters, before a Trump supporter yelled back, “I’ll see you tomorrow.”
D.C. police said five demonstrators were arrested on assault charges between Friday night and Saturday morning. Of those arrested, three are from Maryland, another is from Virginia and one is from New York.
The weekend rallies come a month after a pro-Trump demonstration that drew at least 10,000 people to the capital. The day began with Trump thrilling his supporters by driving by in his limousine and ended with scattered clashes between Trump supporters and D.C.-area activists near Black Lives Matter Plaza.
Despite the ruling, recently pardoned national security adviser Michael Flynn spoke to the crowds on Saturday and encouraged them to keep hope in President Trump’s bid to overturn the election results.
At Freedom Plaza, demonstrators erupted into cheers as Marine One flew over the crowd midday Saturday. Earlier in the day, President Trump said he planned to go to West Point, New York to attend the Army-Navy football game.
Organizers of the Freedom Plaza rally seemed intent on avoiding confrontations, telling demonstrators to avoid certain hotels and marking off large chunks of downtown Washington as a “no-go zone.”
The event on the mall, dubbed the Jericho March, was described on its website as a several-hour “prayer rally” with a series of sermons and speakers “praying for the walls of corruption and election fraud to fall down.”
This is a developing story. Stay with WTOP for updates.
WTOP’s Will Vitka, Abigail Constantino, Zeke Hartner and The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Almost 20 years to the day after it settled one tumultuous presidential election, the Supreme Court did it again.
In 2000, a closely divided high court took action, stopping a recount in Florida and effectively awarding the White House to George W. Bush. In 2020 — just one day short of the Dec. 12 anniversary of the Bush v. Gore decision — a more united court refused to take action, rejecting a lawsuit by Texas aimed at throwing out the election results in four battleground states.
With that, efforts to deny Joe Biden’s election were essentially vanquished. On Monday, electors meeting in state capitols are poised to affirm that.
But in this case, unlike two decades ago, the losing candidate and his supporters are vowing defiance rather than acceptance. Pro-Trump protesters marched on the streets of Washington Saturday, chanting “Four More Years!”, and one GOP official suggested more drastic action.
The refusal to acknowledge the election’s outcome will create additional hurdles for Biden when he is inaugurated on Jan. 20, already a president assuming office at a time of crises. Besides a deadly pandemic and a roiled economy, Biden will have to deal with this: One-third of Americans in a new Quinnipiac University poll said he didn’t legitimately win the Oval Office, including a stunning 70% of Republicans.
A majority of GOP lawmakers in the House of Representatives signed on to the Texas lawsuit, though even conservative legal scholars called it an outlandish effort to overturn a democratic election because the litigants didn’t like the outcome.
With the Democratic majority in the House cut to single digits, those are legislators whose support the Biden administration at times may well need.
What’s more, the willingness to dispute the clear results of an election, and the attacks on the election process itself as fraudulent, could undermine the nation’s fundamental faith in the democratic process and the peaceful transfer of power. Some scholars have likened the threat to that seen in other countries that embraced authoritarian leaders.
That isn’t to say the 2000 election was a golden moment of national comity. Disgruntled Democrats noted that George Bush’s father had appointed two of the Supreme Court justices who ruled on his son’s case, and that his brother happened to be governor of Florida, the state in dispute. Al Gore had indisputably carried the popular vote.
Even so, 80% of Americans, including 61% of Gore supporters, said in a USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll taken the day after the court decision that they would accept Bush as the legitimate president.
Hours after that decisive Supreme Court decision, Gore had conceded the election. “I say to President-elect Bush that what remains of partisan rancor must now be put aside, and may God bless his stewardship of this country,” he said.
That was not Trump’s reaction to this year’s court decision. Instead, he cheered on the protesters gathered a few blocks from the White House. “Wow!,” he tweeted. “Thousands of people forming in Washington (D.C.) for Stop the Steal.”
His supporters waved American flags and Trump campaign banners. “There are still avenues,” Michael Flynn, the disgraced former national security adviser who was pardoned by Trump last month, assured the crowd. “We’re fighting with faith and we’re fighting with courage.”
Instead of attending his successor’s inauguration, as is traditional, NBC News has reported that Trump has discussed the possibility of holding a campaign-style rally on the day Biden takes the oath of office. That ultimate bit of political counter-programming could mark the launch of his 2024 campaign.
To be clear, that doesn’t mean Trump is ready to concede the 2020 election, though none of the dozens of lawsuits he and his allies have filed in eight states charging election malfeasance have gotten legal traction. After the Supreme Court rebuke, Texas Republican chair Allen West had another idea. “Perhaps law-abiding states should bond together and form a Union of states that will abide by the constitution,” he said.
PARIS (AP) — U.S. President-elect Joe Biden pledged Saturday to rejoin the Paris climate accord on the first day of his presidency, as world leaders staged a virtual gathering to celebrate the fifth anniversary of the international pact aimed at curbing global warming.
Heads of state and government from over 70 countries took part in the event — hosted by Britain, France, Italy, Chile and the United Nations — to announce greater efforts in cutting the greenhouse gas emissions that fuel global warming.
The outgoing administration of President Donald Trump, who pulled Washington out of the Paris accord, wasn’t represented at the online gathering. But in a written statement sent shortly before it began, Biden made clear the U.S. was waiting on the sidelines to join again and noted that Washington was key to negotiating the 2015 agreement, which has since been ratified by almost all countries around the world.
“The United States will rejoin the Paris Agreement on day one of my presidency,” he said. “I’ll immediately start working with my counterparts around the world to do all that we possibly can, including by convening the leaders of major economies for a climate summit within my first 100 days in office.”
Biden reiterated his campaign pledge that his administration will set a target of cutting U.S. emissions to net zero “no later than 2050.”
Experts say commitments put forward by the international community in the past five years have already improved the long-term outlook on climate change, making the worst-case scenarios less likely by the end of the century. But wildfires in the Amazon, Australia and America, floods in Bangladesh and East Africa, and record temperatures in the Arctic have highlighted the impact an increase of 1.2 degrees Celsius (2.2 Fahrenheit) since pre-industrial times is already having on the planet.
“If we don’t change course, we may be headed for a catastrophic temperature rise of more than 3 degrees (Celsius) this century,” U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said, urging world leaders to declare a “climate emergency.”
The Paris agreement aims to cap global warming at well under 2 C (3.6 F), ideally no more than 1.5 C (2.7 F), by the end of the century. Meeting the temperature target will require a phasing-out of fossil fuels and better protection for the world’s carbon-soaking forests, wetlands and oceans.
The U.N. chief called the announced U.S. return to the Paris accord “a very important signal.”
“We look forward for a very active U.S. leadership in climate action from now on,” Guterres said. “The United States is the largest economy in the world, it’s absolutely essential for our goals to be reached.”
Biden insisted that the dramatic economic shifts needed would be positive for American workers.
“We have before us an enormous economic opportunity to create jobs and prosperity at home and export clean American-made products around the world, harnessing our climate ambition in a way that is good for American workers and the U.S. economy,” he said.
American representatives at the virtual meeting included Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Gov. Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and U.S. business leaders, such as Apple chief executive Tim Cook.
Also absent from the event were major economies such as Australia, Brazil, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia and Saudi Arabia. Most have offered no significant improvements on their existing emissions targets lately.
Environmental campaigners singled out Brazil’s recent announcement that it will stick to its target of cutting emissions by 43% over the next decade compared with 2005 levels and aim for net zero by 2060 — later than most other countries.
By contrast, an agreement Friday by European Union members to beef up the continent’s 2030 targets from 40% to at least 55% compared with 1990 levels was broadly welcomed, though activists said it could have aimed even higher.
China, the world’s biggest emitter, also surprised the world in September by announcing a net zero target of 2060, with emissions peaking by 2030. In his speech Saturday, Chinese President Xi Jinping provided further details on his country’s medium-term goal for improving energy efficiency and ramping up electricity generated from renewable sources of power such as wind and solar.
But Xi also cautioned that “unilateralism will lead us nowhere” — a veiled reference to discussions in the EU to impose tariffs on goods imported from countries that have less stringent emissions standards than the 27-nation bloc. The issue is likely to dominate discussion between China, the EU and the U.S. in coming years.
The Maldives, an Indian Ocean nation made up of low-lying islands that are particularly vulnerable to sea level rise, announced Saturday that it will now aim to achieve net zero by 2030, one of the most ambitious goals worldwide. Bhutan and Suriname claim to have already achieved that goal.
The 189 countries that are party to the Paris agreement are required to submit their updated targets to the United Nations by the end of the year. This would normally have occurred at the annual U.N. climate summit, but the event was postponed for a year because of the pandemic.
The gathering, now scheduled to take place in Glasgow, Scotland, in November 2021, will see haggling over financial support for poor countries to cope with climate change, and fine-tuning the rules for international markets in emissions trading. Britain, next year’s host, announced this month that it’s aiming to cut emissions by 68% over the next decade and end state support for fossil fuel industry exports.
Former U.N. climate chief Christiana Figueres, who was a key player at the Paris negotiations, said leaders had a duty to be optimistic about their ability to curb global warming.
“Because if we don’t, the alternative is unthinkable,” she said. “None of us adults alive today want to have on our shoulders the responsibility of turning over a world that is a world of misery for generations to come.”
Steve Schmidt, co-founder of the Lincoln Project, shared a lengthy Twitter thread early Saturday publicly reaching out to Democratic New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Schmidt is one of eight Republicans who started the anti-Trump political action committee. He has worked as a communications and public affairs strategist on a number of campaigns including those for former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, President George W. Bush, and Senator John McCain. Other Lincoln Project founders include George Conway, Reed Galen and Jennifer Horn.
Kicking off his Twitter thread, Schmidt acknowledged that the representative likely disagrees with the group of Republicans on many fronts. He also referenced Ocasio-Cortez’s previous job as a waitress.
“I would like to officially reach out to @AOC on behalf of the @ProjectLincoln in defense of democracy. We disagree on many issues and that is ok in our view. Btw, we don’t look down on waitresses. We admire them. We are all the types of guys who always tip at 50% or more,” he tweeted.
Schmidt called for a civil discussion of ideas and respect for each other’s points of view.
“We say the following with respect and seriousness Ma’am. Our hand is open and we need to work together or we are going to lose America. The fight will last for many years,” he wrote.
Schmidt also said that if the two worked together they could defeat autocracy, despite their differences. He ended the thread by listing Ocasio-Cortez’s qualities that the Lincoln Project admires, including her conviction and integrity.
In a follow-up tweet, Schmidt seemed to indicate which issues he hoped to discuss with AOC. “(1) Federal Pardons for all Marijuana crimes. (2) end of payday lending- no banking for poor people. 3. Lack of Pre k education,” he wrote in the list of issues the Lincoln Project finds important.
And in another tweet, Schmidt wrote: “Conviction is everything. There is a fundamental misunderstanding about politics. It is the side that has no conviction that cannot compromise. They have no belief. It is the believers who can compromise because they have faith.”
Schmidt also brushed off people who opposed him extending an olive branch to the New York congresswoman.
The Lincoln Project has released a number of videos criticizing Republican politicians. Its most recent clip, “Silver Alert,” takes aim Republican Georgia Senator David Perdue ahead of that state’s Senate runoff elections on January 5.
The Lincoln Project and press contacts for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez did not respond to Newsweek’s emailed requests for comment in time for publication.
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