Diana Shaw, theState Department’s acting inspector general, notified Congress ofher office’s actions on Monday. In a separate letter to top lawmakers obtained by POLITICO, Shaw said her office was launching “several oversight projects” related to the end of the U.S. military and diplomatic missions in Afghanistan.
“Given the elevated interest in this work by Congress and the unique circumstances requiring coordination across the Inspector General community, I wanted to notify our committees of jurisdiction of this important work,” Shaw wrote in her letter, which was sent to leaders of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and House Foreign Affairs Committee, as well as the intelligence committees in both chambers, among others.
Asked about the memo’s content, State inspector general spokesperson Ryan Holden confirmed the basics but disputed the notion that the probe met the watchdog’s technical definition of an “investigation.”
“State OIG notified its committees of jurisdiction today of planned projects in the areas you mention,” Holden said. “This work will be conducted in coordination with other members of the IG community. However, it is inaccurate to say that these projects are investigations. We indicated to Congress that these projects will be reviews.”
Those congressional panels, in addition to several others, have already launched separate reviews into various aspects of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, which was criticized by lawmakers from both parties as poorly planned and executed.
The Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction also mayprobe the events, which many critics argue was partly the result of a failure to properly coordinate among multiple departments and agencies in the weeks and months after President Joe Biden ordered a full withdrawal of U.S. forces from the country.
The Pentagon’s inspector general said its three reviews involve: an evaluation of the botched drone strike in Kabul that killed 10 civilians instead of the Islamic State target; a review of DoD’s screening process for displaced Afghans; and an audit of DoD support for the relocation of Afghan nationals.
Lawmakers have taken a particular interest in the State Department’s SIV program, which was launched in 2009 to provide a pathway to immigrate to the U.S. for Afghan interpreters, their families and others who worked for the U.S. government throughout the 20-year war. The program has been plagued by bureaucratic challenges and delays since its inception. Before the August evacuation, there were some 18,000 applications stuck in the pipeline.
Attorney Ben Crump, left, and Marcus Arbery Sr., the father of Ahmaud Arbery, second from left, arrive at the Glynn County Courthouse in Brunswick, Ga., as jury selection begins for the trial of the shooting death of Ahmaud Arbery on Monday.
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Attorney Ben Crump, left, and Marcus Arbery Sr., the father of Ahmaud Arbery, second from left, arrive at the Glynn County Courthouse in Brunswick, Ga., as jury selection begins for the trial of the shooting death of Ahmaud Arbery on Monday.
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The murder trial has started for Travis McMichael, Gregory McMichael and William “Roddie” Bryan, the three men accused of killing Ahmaud Arbery as he was out for a jog.
It comes more than a year and a half after Arbery, who was Black, was gunned down on a residential street in southeastern Georgia. The three men charged in his murder are white.
Video of the killing sparked national outrage and helped spur a wave of protests for racial justice in the summer of 2020.
On Monday, hundreds of potential jurors descended on Brunswick, Ga., for the beginning of jury selection.
Attorneys argued about which questions they could ask the hundreds of potential jurors during the selection process, which the judge estimated could take two weeks. Prosecutors and defense lawyers will seek to learn how much potential jurors say they know about the case and whether they could be impartial in rendering a verdict.
The judge also decided that each defendant would have 8 strikes (24 total) during jury selection while the state would have 12 in all.
Travis McMichael and his father, Gregory McMichael, and Brian, their friend, have all pleaded not guilty.
The jury selection process resumes Tuesday morning.
CHICAGO (CBS) — The back and forth between the mayor and the Chicago police union continues, with the city sending out a flurry of emails and memos as its vaccine mandate enters its first full week in effect.
CBS 2’s Mugo Odigwe obtained the latest threatening memo sent out to officers.
At least two memos have gone out since Friday’s deadline for all city workers to report their vaccination status to the city, but Fraternal Order of Police President John Catanzara said thousands of officers are still refusing to do so.
“The unofficial number we have is about over 3,200; so about of third of the department,” Catanzara said.
Catanzara has said the mandate is illegal, because the city didn’t negotiate terms with the union.
He said officers who are still refusing to report their vaccination status will be called in by supervisors on Monday, and once again will be asked will be asked to comply with the mandate.
“If they refuse, it sounds like they’re going to go into a no pay status, effective immediately,” Catanzara said.
He said the dispute with the Lightfoot administration is no longer about the vaccine, or personal beliefs, but collective bargaining rights.
“All of those things are a change in your employment policies. You have to negotiate with us what that looks like. The city has refused to do that,” Catanzara said.
The latest, from Sunday, involves consequences officers could face if they don’t follow the city of Chicago’s vaccination policy.
Any such officers will become a subject of a disciplinary investigation that could “result in a penalty up to and including separation from the Chicago Police Department.”
The memo goes on to say that “sworn members of the department who retire while under an investigation may be denied retirement credentials.”
On Saturday, a different memo went out, saying days off now require approval from a deputy chief or above.
CPD hasn’t said if this is related to the ongoing tension between the police union and Mayor Lori Lightfoot over the city’s vaccine mandate, but as of now, the union is not budging.
“Our moniker all week has been hold the line, for a reason,” Catanzara said.
The union has sued the city over the mandate, seeking to force the city to engage in arbitration.
Trump’s team is also asking for the court to have the Archives first identify all documents from Trump’s White House that could be responsive to the request, then let Trump’s lawyers fully review them before sharing them with Congress. That process could take years.
The lawsuit kicks off a complex, high-stakes legal fight over congressional investigations and executive privilege. In the Nixon era, the Supreme Court acknowledged that former presidents may have an interest in shielding documents from public view. But this is the first public legal dispute between a current president and his predecessor over whether to assert executive privilege.
The thrust of Trump’s claim is twofold, arguing first that the Jan. 6 committee’s request for documents is so broad as to be unconstitutional. Secondly, the suit asserts that the committee lacks a legitimate “legislative purpose” for pursuing the documents. Both arguments were features of a lawsuit Trump lodged in 2019, when Democrats sought to obtain his financial records from the accounting firm Mazars USA.
That Mazars fight resulted in a Supreme Court decision that found limits to congressional probes related to sittingpresidents — not former ones — but also underscored Congress’ broad power to demand information related to its legislative efforts.
In contending that the Jan. 6 panel lacks a valid legislative purpose for seeking the White House records, Trump’s team is leaning on a requirement for congressional investigators to prove that they seek materials to aid in their legislative work.
“[T]he Committee has read its own charter — ‘to investigate and report upon the facts, circumstances, and causes relating to the events of January 6, 2021, at the United States Capitol’— expansively, and apparently believes it has been given a free pass to request a sweeping set of documents and records,” Trump’s team argues.
The select committee has previously brushed off claims that it is conducting an investigation without a legislative goal. The resolution establishing the committee identified multiple policy areas it may legislate on — from domestic extremists’ use of social media to the intelligence agencies’ handling of threat information to the security posture at the Capitol.
Trump’s suit also zeroes in on the Presidential Records Act, the federal law governing access to White House documents. Trump’s lawyers argue that if the Act permits a sitting president to overrule a former president on privilege, then it’s unconstitutional. That question has never been fully fought out in court.
The complaint argues the court should also block the Archives from sharing materials that Trump deems privileged. Many legal experts hold that only the sitting president can assert executive privilege. But a court has never ruled on whether — and just how far — that privilege extends after a president leaves office.
The suit also asks the court to slow down the process of sharing the documents with Congress. Trump’s lawyers argue that they need more time to review documents that are responsive and that they shouldn’t have to make determinations about executive privilege without seeing all the records in context.
It normally takes years for the Archives to sort through and organize White House records. If a judge blocked the release of any documents until the archivist has gone through all of them, then, Congress could be forced into a significant delay before obtaining the materials in question.
“Today, President Donald J. Trump filed a lawsuit in defense of the Constitution, the Office of the President, and the future of our nation, all of which the sham Unselect Committee is trying to destroy,” Trump spokesperson Taylor Budowich told POLITICO in a statement. “The fact is America is under assault by Pelosi’s Communist-style attempt to silence and destroy America First patriots through this hyper-partisan and illegitimate investigation.”
The suit was filed on Trump’s behalf by Jesse Binnall, an attorney who previously partnered with Sidney Powell to overturn Michael Flynn’s guilty plea and who helped Trump attempt to litigate complaints of election fraud in Nevada.
Trump’s executive privilege lawsuit was months in the making. The Jan. 6 select committee asked the National Archives in late August for voluminous records related to Trump administration communications on the day of the attack. It also asked for documents going back to April 1, 2020, related to Trump’s plans for the presidential campaign, including records related to polling and any documents given to Trump predicting he might lose his re-election bid.
Following that request and according to standard practice, the head of the archives then sent hundreds of pages of those records to Trump and his lawyers to review. That was just the first batch of material; the archivist is still reviewing reams of documents for records that may also be responsive to the request, and is sending those records to Trump for review on a rolling basis.
Trump and his team determined that at least three dozen of the records from that first batch were covered by executive privilege — meaning that, in their view, Trump had a right to keep them secret. Trump sent a letter to the archivist on Oct. 8, which POLITICO reviewed, stating his position and telling the archivist to withhold the documents.
But the Biden White House has taken a different position on whether or not those records can be released. Biden’s White House counsel, Dana Remus, told the archivist later on Oct. 8 that the president wanted the documents provided to the Hill.
The lawsuit will likely bolster several other witnesses facing subpoenas from the Jan. 6 committee, which includes two anti-Trump Republicans. Steve Bannon, a former Trump aide and longtime political ally, has cited Trump’s claim of executive privilege to refuse to share documents and testimony with the panel. The committee is slated to hold Bannon in criminal contempt of Congress on Tuesday.
The legal fight brings a risk for Biden, since a court ruling that narrows the scope of executive privilege could help congressional Republicans target his administration’s records after he leaves office. But when asked recently about that prospect, White House press secretary Jen Psaki pointed to the unprecedented nature of the attack on the Capitol.
“I can assure you … that this President has no intention to lead an insurrection on our nation’s Capitol,” she told reporters.
Long before Trump’s election, U.S. presidents have asserted executive privilege to keep their allies from answering questions from investigators –– and sometimes, federal judges have rejected their arguments. A federal judge struck down then-President Bill Clinton’s efforts to use the privilege to keep White House staff from answering questions in the Monica Lewinsky probe. Years later, a federal judge ordered the Obama administration to turn over documents related to the ATF’s “Fast and Furious” guns operation, despite the assertion of executive privilege.
During his presidency, numerous Trump allies pointed to executive privilege to try to dodge congressional inquiries, including during the House Intelligence Committee’s Russia probe and the first Trump impeachment.
The lawsuit comes as Trump signals he may run for president again in 2024 and as he pushes fellow Republicans to embrace the false conspiracy theory that the 2020 election was stolen from him.
Fox News contributor Bill McGurn discussed Biden’s strategy as his approval rating continues to plummet.
As the Biden administration has juggled crises in Afghanistan, the southern border and the national supply chain, key officials, including the president himself, have declined to make visibility a top priority.
The media wasn’t notified until two months later that Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg had taken a parental leave in mid-August to care for his newborn twins. Buttigieg’s office told Politico on Thursday that he was “mostly offline” for an entire month “except for major agency decisions” and that his activities had been ramping up in recent weeks.
Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, best known for his 2020 run for the presidency, did not appoint an interim secretary during his leave, even while supply chain disruptions across the country have left shelves empty ahead of the crucial holiday shopping period. He told CNN on Sunday that the disruptions are expected to continue until next year.
“Pete Buttigieg was completely unqualified to serve as Secretary of Transportation,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., tweeted Monday. “Now, Pete is absent during a transportation crisis that is hurting working-class Americans.”
“PETE BUTTIGIEG has been MIA,” Politico declared Thursday.
White House press secretary Jen Psaki defended Buttigieg on Twitter after Democrats bristled at the “MIA” label.
“Also proud to work in an Administration that is fighting to make paid leave a reality for everyone, and with people like @SecretaryPete who are role models on the importance of paid leave for new parents,” Psaki tweeted Friday.
Buttigieg isn’t the only Cabinet member to face criticism for his absence.
Earlier this month, Vice President Kamala Harris flew to Palm Springs, a resort town about 107 miles east of Los Angeles, for a “private family matter,” officials said. Harris spent one night on Oct. 1 at an undisclosed location in Palm Springs and no other reason was given for the trip.
Since March, when Biden put her in charge of addressing the root causes of the border crisis, Harris has faced steady criticism from Republicans for not visiting the border region – save for a brief trip to El Paso, Texas, in June – despite her taking several trips to her home state of California. Days after her Palm Springs trip, Harris visited New Jersey instead of accompanying Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas and U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland for high-level security talks in Mexico City.
On Sept. 17, the same day that U.S. Marine Corps Gen. Kenneth McKenzie, commander of U.S. Central Command, told reporters that an Aug. 29 drone strike targeting ISIS actually killed 10 civilians in Afghanistan, not terrorists, Biden and first lady Jill took a trip to Rehoboth, Delaware, for a quiet weekend of church service and bike rides.
The president was already under fire for his handling of the chaotic U.S. military evacuation from the country, during which a suicide bombing attack in Kabul left 13 U.S. service members dead. Biden has repeatedly defended his plan to withdraw troops from the country, while as many as a hundred U.S. citizens and tens of thousands of Afghan allies and Afghans vulnerable to Taliban reprisal remain stranded. The president largely avoided cameras during the initial drawdown, watching the Aug. 15 fall of Kabul unfold from the Camp David presidential retreat in Maryland.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken was vacationing in the Hamptons just before the fall of Kabul on Aug. 15, when Taliban insurgents completed their retaking of the country 20 years after their ouster.
According to a detailed timeline of the Taliban’s takeover of Kabul compiled by The Washington Post, the actions by U.S. officials in the days leading up to the Aug. 15 collapse suggested “no immediate cause for alarm,” with many of them “surrendering to the customary rhythms of Washington in August.”
Blinken, like other U.S. officials, had to be called back from his vacation once things started rapidly deteriorating in Afghanistan, the report said.
White House press secretary Jen Psaki had an “out of the office” email message for one week starting the same day Kabul collapsed, but returned to the White House the next day.
Harris, who previously said she had a key role in Biden’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan, also managed to stay relatively silent on the crisis, instead embarking on her first official visit to Southeast Asia in an unrelated trip.
In media news today, NBC fact-checks Anthony Fauci’s COVID superspreader comments, Jon Stewart says the media is making a ‘mistake’ casting Trump as a ‘supervillain,’ and CNN’s Brian Stelter frets that Katie Couric’s editing scandal further damages the media’s reputation
Ex-British intelligence agent Christopher Steele, who authored the unverified dossier charging collusion between Russia and Donald Trump, still believes former Trump attorney Michael Cohen held secret meetings in Prague despite the Justice Department not substantiating the claim.
The dossier alleged Cohen had “secret meeting/s with Kremlin officials in August 2016” in Prague. However, Cohen testified before the House Oversight Committee in 2019 that he had never been to Prague and the Justice Department was unable to confirm Steele’s claim after a lengthy investigation.
ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos sat down with Steele for a special, “Out of the Shadows: The Man behind the Steele Dossier,” and asked him about Cohen directly.
“One big claim the dossier, the FBI, according to the Inspector General’s report … is not true, is the claim that Michael Cohen had a meeting with Russians in Prague,” Stephanopoulos said. “Do you accept that finding that it didn’t happen?”
Steele, who insisted the dossier is largely accurate throughout the interview, doesn’t buy Justice Department Inspector General Michael E. Horowitz’s findings that Steele’s reporting couldn’t be corroborated.
“No, I don’t,” Steele said.
Cohen has since turned on Trump, sharing information about the former president with prosecutors. Cohen called Trump “a cheat, a liar, a fraud, a bully, a racist, a predator, a con man” and “amoral” in a book.
But he still maintained the tale of his traveling to Prague in a Russian collusion-related plot was bogus. Cohen served prison time after pleading guilty to campaign finance violations and bank fraud, but was released to home confinement last year.
Michael Cohen, former attorney to President Donald Trump, has long denied claims he meeting with Russians in Prague. (AP Photo/Kevin Hagen, File)
“Michael Cohen has completely turned on Donald Trump. He’s accused him of all kinds of things,” Stephanopoulos said. “It defies logic that if he did this, he wouldn’t say so now.”
Steele didn’t agree.
“It’s self-incriminating to a very great degree,” Steele said.
Stephanopoulos asked what Cohen would be incriminating himself in, to which the dossier author responded, “Treason, presumably.”
Stephanopoulos shot back, “Since he’s gone to prison, since he’s turned on President Trump, he’s told every single story. Why wouldn’t he admit to this?”
“Because I think it’s so incriminating and demeaning and I think the other reason is he might be scared of the consequences,” Steele said.
(ABC News)
Stephanopoulos asked Steele if not believing the FBI, in this case, hurts his credibility.
“I am prepared to accept that not everything in the dossier is 100 percent accurate, I have yet to be convinced that that is one of them,” Steele said.
The questions surrounding Cohen’s alleged travel to Prague come from the dossier, which was published in January 2017 by BuzzFeed News, detailing salacious and unfounded allegations against Trump. Horowitz ripped the FBI in his report for heavily relying on the dossier to obtain surveillance warrants on Trump campaign official Carter Page.
In August 2017, Cohen denied the allegations made in the dossier, calling them “totally false.” Cohen’s attorney said Cohen “never traveled to Prague, Czech Republic, as evidenced by his passport” and “did not participate in meetings with Kremlin officials in Prague in August 2016.”
Former British spy Christopher Steele’s unverified dossier was a major element in warrant applications the FBI filled out to spy on Trump associate Carter Page.
When the dossier was first published, Cohen tweeted on Jan. 10, 2017: “I have never been to Prague in my life. #fakenews.”
Steele compiled information for the controversial file on behalf of Fusion GPS, which was hired to conduct opposition research funded by the Democratic National Committee and the Hillary Clinton campaign through law firm Perkins Coie.
Fox News’ Brooke Singman and Tyler Olson contributed to this report.
ESPN reporter Allison Williams reports from a college basketball tournament at Barclays Center in Brooklyn, N.Y., on March 8, 2017. Williams said in a recent Instagram video that she is leaving ESPN due to the company’s vaccine mandate.
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ESPN reporter Allison Williams reports from a college basketball tournament at Barclays Center in Brooklyn, N.Y., on March 8, 2017. Williams said in a recent Instagram video that she is leaving ESPN due to the company’s vaccine mandate.
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ESPN college basketball and football reporter Allison Williams has joined a small minority of workers who have quit or been fired from their jobs over a vaccine mandate.
“I have been denied my request for accommodation by ESPN and the Walt Disney Company, and effective next week, I will be separated from the company,” she said in a video posted to Instagram on Friday.
ESPN’s parent company, Disney, had announced a vaccine mandate over the summer with a deadline of this Friday, Oct. 22.
In early September, Williams shared on Twitter that she’d decided not to get a COVID-19 vaccine while she and her husband were trying to have a second child.
“Taking the vaccine at this time is not in my interest,” she wrote.
The CDC has urged people who are pregnant or might become pregnant to get vaccinated, saying there is currently no evidence showing COVID-19 vaccines cause fertility problems and no data pointing to an increased risk of miscarriage among people who received an mRNA vaccine during pregnancy.
In the Instagram video, Williams spoke of her medical apprehensions about receiving the vaccine and added, “I am also so morally and ethically not aligned with this.”
“Ultimately, I cannot put a paycheck over principle, and I will not sacrifice something that I believe and hold so strongly to maintain a career,” she said in the video. “I’m going to pray things get better and that I can see you on the television set in some capacity in some stadium, covering some game soon.”
Williams, who had reported for ESPN since 2011, acknowledged she’s not the only one walking away from a career or a profession they love.
Hundreds of hospital workers have quit rather than get vaccinated, but they represent only a tiny fraction of employees overall. For example, Duke Health in North Carolina reported it had fired just 20 people out of a workforce of 23,000.
Meanwhile, United Airlines said it is terminating a couple of hundred of its 67,000 employees who did not comply with the airline’s vaccine mandate. Other employers that have imposed vaccine mandates are also reporting compliance rates topping 90%.
Saying the matter was urgent and important, the brief also asked the court to consider adding the question of the law’s constitutionality to the docket of cases it plans to hear this year, bypassing the appeals court, which is scheduled to hear arguments on it in December. The Supreme Court is already scheduled to hear another major abortion case, involving a Mississippi law, in December.
“S.B. 8 is an affront to the United States’ sovereign interests in maintaining the supremacy of federal law and ensuring that the traditional mechanisms of judicial review endorsed by Congress and this court remain available to challenge unconstitutional state laws,” the Justice Department brief said.
In a bitterly divided decision last month in a different case, one brought by abortion providers regarding the same law, the Supreme Court let the law go into effect, effectively ending access to abortion for most Texas women. The majority said there were procedural obstacles that counseled against granting the providers’ request to block the law.
Late last month, the providers asked the court to take another look at the case and to put their request on an unusually fast track. Late Monday afternoon, after having taken no action on the request for almost a month, the court ordered officials in Texas to respond to the providers’ motion by noon on Thursday, the same deadline it had set for a response to the Justice Department’s application.
The Justice Department, in a brief filed by Brian H. Fletcher, the acting solicitor general, said the two cases were different. The federal government has interests and powers different from those of private litigants, he wrote, adding that it is not required to overcome the procedural hurdles at issue in the earlier ruling.
Five of the 17 missionaries kidnapped by a gang in Haiti over the weekend are from Michigan’s Oceana County, including four children, their pastor told The Detroit News.
They are members of Hart Dunkard Brethren Church, Minister Ron Marks said Monday.
The local missionaries went as a family, one parent and four children, in early October, said Marks, who declined to identify them. The youngest child is under age 10, he added.
“Our primary focus is on God and His providence to bring us through this,” Marks said.
The missionaries were taken Saturday as they left an orphanage outside Port-au-Prince in the community of Ganthier. The group included six men, six women and five children— all Americans except for one Canadian, according to their sponsoring organization, the Ohio-based Christian Aid Ministries.
“Join us in prayer that God’s grace would sustain the men, women and children who are being held hostage,” the group said in a Monday statement.
A spokeswoman from Christian Aid Ministries declined Monday to provide more information about the kidnapping.
White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said Monday afternoon that President Joe Biden has been briefed and is receiving regular updates on what the State Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are doing to bring those kidnapped home safely.
“The FBI is part of a coordinated U.S. effort to get the U.S. citizens involved to safety,” Psaki said. “Due to operational considerations, we’re not going to go into too much detail on that but can confirm their engagement.”
She added the U.S. Embassy in Haiti is also involved and coordinating with local authorities and working with the individuals’ families.
The 400 Mawozo gang, a group that controls the area where the attack took place, has claimed responsibility for the kidnapping, the State Department said. The gang captured five priests and four nuns in April, holding them for three weeks, according to wire reports.
The latest abduction is part of a surge in kidnappings in Haiti this year amid political chaos, gang violence and general lawlessness since the assassination in July of President Jovenel Moïse.
Hart Dunkard Brethren Church emphasizes missionary work, Marks said. Members go to places including Haiti, Africa and the southwest United States to do humanitarian and teaching work.
The church did not sponsor its members’ trip to Haiti, but it is common for members to go on mission trips with other groups like Christian Aid Ministries, Marks said.
Congregants at home have held special prayer meetings for their counterparts in Haiti since they left in early October. News that the family had been abducted was hard on the close-knit group, Marks said.
Dan Hooley, a former field director for Christian Aid Ministries in Haiti, told CNN on Sunday that the kidnapped missionaries were believed to have been together in one vehicle, and some were able to contact the organization’s local director before they were seized.
“A couple of fellows right away messaged the director and told him what was going on. And one of them was able to drop a pin, and that’s the last thing (the organization) heard until the kidnappers contacted them later in the day,” Hooley told the network.
The State Department is part of a small team dispatched to Haiti from the U.S. to work closely with Haitian authorities on the kidnapping case, spokesman Ned Price said Monday.
“This is something that we have treated as with the utmost priority since Saturday,” Price said. “Our teams across the building have been working closely with our interagency partners and … with our partners on the ground in Haiti to do all we can to seek a quick resolution to this.”
Price would not say whether the U.S. has been in touch with the 400 Mawozo gang.
The nonprofit Christian Aid Ministries, based in Millersburg, Ohio, was founded in 1981 and works with Amish, Mennonite and other conservative Anabaptist groups to “minister to physical and spiritual needs around the world.”
The organization said it was active in 126 countries and seven territories to distribute aid, literature or education in 2020, reaching more than 14 million people, according to CAM’s 2020 annual report.
American staff from the organization recently returned to its base in Haiti after a nine-month absence due to political unrest in the country.
The group’s work in Haiti has included medicine distribution, a sponsor-a-child program and running the Joshua Memorial Clinic in the LaSource area. The group says it also created work for wages projects, such as road repair and water projects, to allow Haitians to earn money to feed themselves and their families.
The child-sponsor program provides textbooks, school supplies and meals each school day for 9,430 students at 52 schools in Haiti, as well as biblical training and subsidized pay for teachers, according to the annual report.
Powell’s family announced his death Monday in a Facebook post.
“General Colin L. Powell, former U.S. Secretary of State and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, passed away this morning due to complications from Covid 19,” the Powell family wrote on Facebook.
“We have lost a remarkable and loving husband, father, grandfather and a great American,” the family said, noting he was fully vaccinated.
The family thanked the staff at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Maryland, where Powell was receiving care.
A spokesman for the hospital offered their condolences to Powell’s family in a statement, writing, “Walter Reed National Military Medical Center is deeply saddened by the passing of the former U.S. Secretary of State and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Colin L. Powell. In addition to his service to the nation, he also served as a devoted husband, father, and grandfather.”
Powell, the son of Jamaican immigrants, ascended the ranks to the pinnacle of America’s national security establishment during his military career. In 1987, former President Ronald Reagan tapped Powell to become his national security advisor, the first Black person to serve in that role.
President George H.W. Bush nominated Powell to be the youngest and first Black chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. In that role, he oversaw America’s Desert Storm operations during the Persian Gulf war. He continued his role as chairman under President Bill Clinton.
After 35 years of military service, Powell retired from the U.S. Army as a four-star general in 1993. He was mentioned as a possible candidate for president several times
Christopher Steele said an obscene video, described in a dossier he compiled, ‘probably exists.’
He speculated that it remains unseen, despite intense interest, because Russia had no need to show it.
Steele said that Russia got “pretty good value” from the Trump presidency without blackmailing him.
Christopher Steele, the former British spy behind a heavily disputed dossier on Donald Trump, said he believed an infamous “pee tape” of Trump does indeed exist.
In an interview with ABC News, he speculated that Russia may have kept the tape hidden because Trump offered them “pretty good value” during his time in office.
Steele made an unsubstantiated allegation in the 35-page dossier, which was compiled during the 2016 presidential election that Russian authorities had covertly filmed Trump being urinated on by prostitutes at a Moscow hotel room in 2013.
“I think it probably does [exist],” Steele told host George Stephanopoulos in an excerpt of the upcoming documentary “Out of the Shadows: The Man Behind the Steele Dossier.”
Pressed on why Russia wouldn’t have used such leverage, Steele replied: “Because I think it hasn’t needed to be released because I think the Russians felt they’d got pretty good value out of Donald Trump when he was president of the US.”
Steele’s dossier claimed that Trump had in 2013 rented a room at the Ritz-Carlton in Moscow during a business trip to Russia. It said that he then hired prostitutes who performed sexual acts in the room which involved urination, Insider’s Sonam Sheth previously reported.
Some of the allegations in Steele’s dossier have been partly substantiated over time, but many of the other allegations in Steele’s dossier remain unsubstantiated.
Steele admitted to ABC News that he was “prepared to accept” that not all of what he passed on was true, HuffPost reported.
He said: “I stand by the work we did, the sources that we had, and the professionalism which we applied to it.”
The E.P.A. announced additional regulatory steps it intends to formally propose by 2022 that involve PFAS, Mr. Regan said.
The list, which the E.P.A. described as a “road map” includes setting legal limits for safe levels of PFAS in drinking water, which the chemical industry tentatively supports; designating it as a hazardous substance under the laws that govern toxic Superfund sites, which industry opposes; and increasing monitoring and research.
Meanwhile the Department of Defense, is expected to review how to clean PFAS contamination at nearly 700 military installations and National Guard locations by the end of 2023. The chemicals are in a foam used at military installations and by civilian firefighters to extinguish fires.
The E.P.A. has set a lifetime health advisory for two types of PFAS in drinking water at 70 parts per trillion — essentially cautioning that sustained exposure above that level could cause adverse effects. Agency officials said it is too soon to say whether the E.P.A. will recommend that threshold or a different one when it develops formal drinking water limits.
The American Chemistry Council, a trade organization, noted that about 600 chemicals in the PFAS category are used to manufacture products like solar panels and cellphones, and said alternative materials might not be available to replace them. “The American Chemistry Council supports the strong, science-based regulation of chemicals, including PFAS substances. But all PFAS are not the same, and they should not all be regulated the same way,” Erich Shea, a spokesman for the organization, said in a statement.
Environmentalists said they don’t believe there is a safe level of PFAS in drinking water.
Kemp Burdette, 47, works for Cape Fear River Watch in Wilmington, N.C., where he used to encourage people to drink tap water to avoid using disposable plastic bottles. Then he discovered that PFAS levels in the local tap water had reached as high as 6,000 parts per trillion, the result of years of contaminated wastewater discharged into the Cape Fear River by a Dupont plant, later owned by The Chemours Company.
“All of a sudden you’re like, ‘What’s in the water? What is this stuff? How long have we been drinking it’?” Mr. Burdette said. “My kids were drinking that water all their lives.”
Democrats are terrified of what the future holds for them in the United States Senate.
The party currently controls half the seats in the chamber, giving them, with Vice President Harris’s tie-breaking vote, the narrowest possible majority. But some in the party — like pollster David Shor, recently profiled by Ezra Klein in the New York Times — believe demographic trends put Democrats at grave risk of falling into a deep hole over the next two election cycles.
That risk exists even if Democrats continue to win more votes nationwide. “If 2024 is simply a normal year, in which Democrats win 51 percent of the two-party vote, Shor’s model projects a seven-seat loss, compared with where they are now,” Klein writes.
In other words, Republicans could well get a 57 to 43 Senate majority, the GOP’s biggest in about a century, even if Democrats win more votes.
This sense of impending Senate doom is the backdrop for many of Democrats’ debates right now — the messaging fight over whether the party should embrace “popularism,” the legislative fight over the reconciliation package that may be Democrats’ last chance to legislate for some time, and the frustration with a conservative Supreme Court majority that looks likely to be entrenched for years to come.
Democrats’ main problem is that they’ve been doing poorly among white voters without a college education, who are spread out across many states, while Democrats’ voters are concentrated in fewer, bigger states. (This is why Shor has been arguing that the party needs to change its message to better appeal to such voters.)
Recent presidential election results show how Democrats’ votes are packed into fewer states.When Biden won about 52 percent of the two-party popular vote in 2020, he won 25 states. But when Trump won about 49 percent of the two-party popular vote in 2016, he won 30 states. (If GOP Senate candidates had managed to replicate Trump’s map in 2018 and 2020, they would have won a 60-vote supermajority.)
Democratic presidential candidates’ struggle to win more states isn’t entirely new — George W. Bush won less than 50 percent of the national vote in 2000 but still won 30 states. What was different back then was voters were much more willing to split their tickets, voting for a presidential candidate from one party and a Senate candidate from the other. Ten states split their results like that in 2000 but zero did in 2016 and only one (Maine) did in 2020. The increased polarization and nationalization of politics are producing more uniform results.
To get a better sense of this, though, it’s worth delving into the specific seats that are in play. There are three Democrats representing states Trump won in 2020, all of whom are up in 2024. But there’s a second tier of vulnerability in the 10 Democrats representing states Biden just narrowly won. There are fewer Republican senators in comparable positions, and those that do exist seem to be on safer ground than their Democratic counterparts.
The mismatched senators
After the bitterly fought 2000 election, 30 of the 100 senators represented states that their party’s presidential nominee did not win. Since then, that number has gradually dwindled, as red-state Democrats and blue-state Republicans have retired or gone down to defeat. When Trump took office, there were 14 such senators remaining. Now, there are only six. The Senate has sorted by partisanship.
So to understand the map going forward, it’s useful to start with those six “mismatched” senators. There are three from each party, but that seeming parity is a bit misleading.
Two of the Republicans, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) and retiring Sen. Pat Toomey (R-PA), represent genuine swing states that went narrowly for Trump in 2016 and narrowly for Biden in 2020. Both of these seats are on the ballot in 2022 and represent promising opportunities for Democrats if the party can avoid a midterm slump. Regardless, these seats will probably stay competitive in the future if these states remain competitive on a presidential level.
The third mismatched Republican, Sen. Susan Collins represents a bluer but not always overwhelmingly blue state (Biden won it by 9 points, Hillary Clinton won it by 3 points). Collins won convincingly last year, becoming 2020’s sole split-ticket Senate victor, and isn’t up again until 2026.
The three mismatched Democrats, meanwhile, all represent states Trump won solidly both times. Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH) might be compared to Collins (Trump won Ohio by 8), but Sens. Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Jon Tester (D-MT) represent much more deeply red states than Johnson and Toomey (Trump won West Virginia by 39 and Montana by 16).
All three of these Democrats survived the Trump midterms of 2018, even as several of their red-state Democratic colleagues went down to defeat amid a strong year for Democrats nationally. But these seats will next be on the ballot in 2024, a presidential year. To survive, they’ll likely have to count on split-ticket voters. That was a plausible path to victory during the Obama years and before, but in the two presidential cycles since, only one senator, Collins, has managed to pull this off.
The overall takeaway is that the three Trump state Democrats will all start their 2024 races as deep underdogs (if they run again). Meanwhile, one Biden-state Republican is safe until 2026. The other two seats face some danger in 2022, but their states are inherently closer and they could be aided by the traditional midterm backlash against the president’s party, if that materializes.
That adds up to unfavorable math for Democrats. But it’s not their only problem.
The close states
The next tier of vulnerable senators represents states that their own presidential candidate just narrowly won. If we define a narrow win as “less than 3 percentage points,” there are 10 such Democrats: Sens. Raphael Warnock (D-GA), Jon Ossoff (D-GA), Mark Kelly (D-AZ), Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ), Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Bob Casey (D-PA), Catherine Cortez Masto (D-NV), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Debbie Stabenow (D-MI), and Gary Peters (D-MI).
There are only two such Republicans: Sens. Richard Burr (R-NC) and Thom Tillis (R-NC). Expanding the definition slightly, to a 3.5 percentage point win, would also bring in Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Rick Scott (R-FL).
That’s a very big discrepancy. A slight shift in the national winds — a relatively minor deterioration of Biden’s and Democrats’ position — could knock out a whole lot of Senate Democrats. A similarly sized improvement of Democrats’ position doesn’t have the same upside because there aren’t as many Republicans representing close states.
It’s also useful to break these down by cycle. In 2022, Kelly (Arizona), Warnock (Georgia), and Cortez Masto (Nevada) are up for Democrats; Rubio (Florida) and the retiring Burr (North Carolina) for Republicans, plus Johnson and Toomey, Republicans in states that Biden won. That’s a relatively balanced map, meaning that Democrats’ biggest problem will be defying historical trends that the president’s party tends to lose voter support in the midterms. A bigger shift, or unique circumstances specific to the candidates, could also put other races in play.
But 2024 could be an utter debacle for Democrats in the Senate if the election goes poorly for them. Sinema, Baldwin, Casey, Rosen, and Stabenow are all up, along with the Trump-state Democrats Manchin, Tester, and Brown. Meanwhile, Rick Scott is the only Republican in a close state up that year.
Coalitions shift over time, and future elections could bring demographic changes few are yet anticipating. And none of this makes Democrats’ defeat inevitable. The Senate map for them looked rough on paper in 2012, but they walked away from that presidential year netting two seats.
But the structural disadvantage appears deep and real — it means Democrats, with their current coalition, have to clear a higher bar to win even a small majority. It also means the bottom can fall out quite quickly for them.
One case involved an officer accused of excessive force when he put his knee on a man’s back during an arrest, while trying to remove a knife from the man’s pocket. In the other case, two officers were sued by the estate of a man whom they shot and killed after he appeared to threaten them with a hammer.
The high court said officers in both cases were entitled to qualified immunity. That doctrine protects officials from lawsuits unless it can be shown that they violated “clearly established” rights that a reasonable person would know about.
Police-reform advocates have called for an end to qualified immunity, arguing it insulates officers from accountability for wrongdoing. House progressives pushed to include a provision ending the doctrine as part of bipartisan police-reform negotiations. Those efforts dissolved last month.
The Supreme Court on Monday first ruled on a case in which police in Union City, California, responded to a 911 call alleging Ramon Cortesluna was going to hurt his girlfriend and her two children, who were trapped in another room of her home.
As police directed Cortesluna to leave the house and approach them with his hands up, an officer shouted, “he has a knife in his left pocket.” Cortesluna lowered his hands and was shot with non-lethal bean-bag rounds in the stomach and hip. He got down on the ground, at which point officer Daniel Rivas-Villegas “straddled” him and “placed his left knee on the left side of Cortesluna’s back,” the court wrote in its opinion.
“Rivas-Villegas was in this position for no more than eight seconds before standing up while continuing to hold Cortesluna’s arms,” at which point another officer removed the knife and handcuffed Cortesluna, the court said.
Cortesluna sued, arguing Rivas-Villegas used excessive force in violation of the Fourth Amendment. A federal district court sided with the officer, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed that decision, ruling that “existing precedent put [Rivas-Villegas] on notice that his conduct constituted excessive force.”
The Supreme Court ruled that “to show a violation of clearly established law, Cortesluna must identify a case that put Rivas-Villegas on notice that his specific conduct was unlawful.”
He “has not done so,” the court’s opinion said, and neither he nor the appeals court “identified any Supreme Court case that addresses facts like the ones at issue here.”
The other case involved a 2016 police incident in which the ex-wife of Dominic Rollice told 911 that her former husband was drunk in her garage and refusing to leave.
Three officers, Josh Girdner, Chase Reed, and Brandon Vick, showed up. They asked to pat Rollice down for weapons, but he refused, and then turned away from the officers and grabbed a hammer from the garage, according to bodycam footage. Rollice grasped the hammer with both hands and raised it to shoulder level, and refused to drop it when officers shouted for him to drop it.
Rollice raised the hammer behind his head and “took a stance as if he was about to throw the hammer or charge at the officers,” the ruling said. Girdner and Vick then shot Rollice, killing him.
Rollice’s estate sued alleging that the officers violated his Fourth Amendment right to be free from excessive force. The district court found the use of force was reasonable and that qualified immunity applied.
But the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals differed, ruling that the officers’ moves to corner Rollice in the back of the garage led to the use of deadly force.
The Supreme Court reversed that appellate decision, saying none of the precedent cited by the lower court “comes close to establishing that the officers’ conduct was unlawful” in this case.
“We have repeatedly told courts not to define clearly established law at too high a level of generality,” the high court ruled.
Qualified immunity protects “all but the plainly incompetent or those who knowingly violate the law,” according to the opinion, which cited court precedent. It must be clear to “a reasonable officer that his conduct was unlawful in the situation he confronted,” the court said.
Retired British spy Christopher Steele is stepping out of the shadows to discuss his so-called “Steele dossier” for the first time publicly, describing his efforts as apolitical and defending his decision to include the most explosive and criticized claims about Donald Trump contained in his controversial 2016 report.
“I stand by the work we did, the sources that we had, and the professionalism which we applied to it,” Steele said in a wide-ranging exclusive interview with ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos about how he gathered his intelligence, and the life-altering events that ensued after his work and identity were made public.
The dossier’s contents, laid out in 17 memos, upended Washington and quickly ricocheted across the globe after BuzzFeed News published the bombshell reports in early 2017 — 10 days before Donald Trump was sworn into office. The salacious mix of sex, spies, and scandal made for an irresistible political drama. But the real-world implications of its claims, even though unproven, exacerbated an already fraught moment in American history.
Trump and his allies immediately lashed out at the allegations laid out in the dossier, calling it “fake news” and “phony stuff.” The president’s detractors embraced it, using it to buttress growing suspicions about what they saw as Trump’s odd infatuation with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Over time, journalists and experts from both sides of the political aisle grew increasingly skeptical about the dossier’s claims, noting that despite deep investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s team and others, many of Steele’s allegations have never been verified, and some have been debunked.
“Everyone with whom the dossier was shared sent reporters out, tried to confirm the basic allegations within it. And it never got any traction because no one could nail anything in it down,” said Barry Meier, author of “Spooked: The Trump Dossier, Black Cube, and the Rise of Private Spies,” and a vocal critic of Steele’s.
“Bearing in mind, this was raw intelligence,” said Chris Burrows, Steele’s partner in the private investigative firm Orbis Business Intelligence. “Raw intelligence in the sense that what we sent over was the initial findings.”
Yet in many ways, the dossier proved prescient. The Mueller probe found that Russia had been making efforts to meddle in the 2016 campaign, and that Trump campaign members and surrogates had promoted and retweeted Russian-produced political content alleging voter fraud and criminal activity on the part of Hillary Clinton. Investigators determined there had been “numerous links — i.e. contacts — between Trump campaign officials and individuals having ties to the Russian government.” And, proof emerged that the Trump Organization had been discussing a real estate deal in Moscow during the campaign.
All were findings that had been signaled, at least broadly, in Steele’s work.
Cloistered in his London home and his firm’s office, Steele has never responded to his critics in public. Through all the cacophony of political rhetoric and cable news punditry, one notable voice has been missing: Steele’s.
Now, nearly five years after his report became public, Steele has broken his silence to defend his name, his credibility, and the dossier that captured the world’s attention.
“It was credible reporting,” Steele told Stephanopoulos. “We knew some of it was right, and we suspected some of it may never be provable.”
“Out of the Shadows: The Man Behind the Steele Dossier” is available Monday, October 18, on Hulu.
A sordid conspiracy
Christopher Steele penned his reports between June and December of 2016 for a law firm that represented Democrats and the campaign of party nominee Hillary Clinton. His reporting was initially meant to be internal work for the firm conducting opposition campaign research.
Over seven months, the memos laid out a series of damning claims alleging that the Russians were attempting to influence the campaign in Trump’s favor, that members of the Trump campaign had various connections and communications with Kremlin officials, that the campaign had coordinated with Kremlin officials and accepted a flow of anti-Clinton information, and, most alarmingly, that the Kremlin perhaps had materials with which it could blackmail or exercise leverage over Trump.
Steele said that as he worked on the report, he grew increasingly alarmed by the picture it was painting.
“It meant that, for the first time, there was a potentially serious situation of ‘kompromat’ against a presidential candidate. And therefore, it became much more of serious issue than we had expected,” Steele recalled. “I was surprised and shocked.”
Even before the dossier surfaced publicly on Jan. 10, 2017, the FBI and several news outlets had already seen Steele’s intelligence reports and had attempted to corroborate their contents, but could not. Within days of its publication, some allegations fell apart quickly. Reports that Trump’s personal attorney and self-described fixer Michael Cohen had relatives who maintained ties to Putin were swiftly debunked.
Trump’s allies mounted a full-fledged campaign to pick the dossier apart — and malign its author. Trump himself repeatedly lashed out at Steele and the report. At one point, then-President Trump tweeted of Steele: “This man should be extradited, tried, and thrown into jail. A sick lier [sic] who was paid by Crooked Hillary & the DNC!”
Asked if he was ever worried about Trump’s calls for his extradition, Steele at first laughed: “He also called me a liar, spelled L-I-E-R, George. So, you know, these things have to be taken, I think, with a pinch of salt.”
But Steele said that the ensuing investigations, legal fights, and withering attacks — including Trump’s claims that his reporting was a “hoax” — did take a toll.
“The idea that somebody with my track record — and I’ve never had my integrity, professionalism, or expertise on Russia questioned at any point in my career — would be inventing some strange, fabricated document or information, is absolute anathema, and I wouldn’t be a successful businessman if that were the practice,” Steele said.
The dossier did deal a series of blows to Steele’s credibility in both media and government investigations, most notably a December 2019 Justice Department inspector general report that cast doubts on his sources.
The inspector general wrote that “certain allegations” in Steele’s reporting “were inaccurate or inconsistent with information gathered by the Crossfire Hurricane team; and that the limited information that was corroborated related to time, location, and title information, much of which was publicly available.”
“Do you accept that conclusion?” Stephanopoulos asked Steele.
“I think they are putting too much store, frankly, into what FBI knew about early on in the campaign,” Steele said. “I think the FBI is generally an effective organization. I’m not sure the extent to which FBI has got good coverage of Moscow and Moscow politics and Moscow operations.”
Through it all, Steele said, he has remained confident in the broad strokes of his dossier, which he insists remain “still very credible.”
“I think there are parts of the dossier which have been stood up, there are parts of the dossier that haven’t been stood up,” Steele said. “And there are one or two things in it which have been proven wrong.”
Drafting the dossier
Steele’s firm agreed to take on the project at the behest of Fusion GPS, a Washington-based corporate research firm, in the spring of 2016. Fusion GPS’s initial client had been a Republican financier, but when Trump emerged as the front-runner for the Republican nomination, a law firm representing the Democratic National Committee and the Clinton campaign agreed to inherit Fusion GPS’s research.
Steele said he knew within the first month of his reporting that “supporters of Hillary Clinton” were funding Fusion GPS’s work, and by extension his own.
“I didn’t know what opposition research was,” Steele said. “But from our perspective, what we were doing was very similar to other project work we’d done, which is getting human intelligence out of Russia on an issue of interest to a client.”
Fusion GPS co-founder Glenn Simpson told the Senate Judiciary Committee the assignment for Steele was relatively simple — Donald Trump had made repeated trips to Russia during his career as a real estate mogul, but not sealed any deals.
“He was the lead Russianist at MI6 prior to leaving the government and an extremely well-regarded investigator, researcher, and, as I say, we’re friends and share interest in Russian kleptocracy and organized crime issues,” Simpson testified regarding Steele. “I would say that’s broadly why I asked him to see what he could find out about Donald Trump’s business activities in Russia.”
Steele told ABC News that the mission expanded almost immediately into two main threads: “One was what the Russians were doing in terms of potential interference in the campaign; and two, what the links were between Trump and the Trump campaign and Russia,” Steele said.
“We realized it was potentially quite a big project and potentially quite a controversial project,” he added. “But frankly, George, when we went into it, we weren’t expecting to find a great deal.”
Steele soon became convinced he had wandered into something more involved, and more concerning.
The four pillars
In defending his work, Steele describes his intelligence reports as resting on “four pillars” of information that he believes have held up over time as accurate.
“One was, there was a large-scale Russian interference campaign in the American election in 2016,” he said.
“The second was that this had been authorized and ordered at the highest levels, including Putin,” he said.
“The third had been that the objective of this was to damage Hillary Clinton and to try and get this rather unorthodox candidate, Donald Trump, elected,” Steele said. “And the fourth was, there was evidence of collusion between Trump and people around Trump and the Russians.”
Part of the challenge — and the intrigue — of Steele’s reporting is that much of it is virtually impossible for lay people to verify. When the Department of Justice’s inspector general examined the dossier’s claims, he concluded that what Steele described as “raw intelligence” amounted to little more than rumor and bar talk.
Very little corroborating evidence has emerged to support the dossier. But neither, Steele points out, has there been much concrete contradictory evidence either.
His critics have taken issue with that particular line of defense.
“The common refrain when people were speaking about the dossier is, ‘Well, we don’t know if that’s not true,'” Meier said. “People who are intelligence operatives anchor their reports to rumors, to hearsay, to bar talk, to smoke. That’s the world that Christopher Steele operated in. And I guess that’s the world he continues to operate in. I prefer the world of facts. That’s the world I’m comfortable in.”
It isn’t just Steele’s critics who have accused him of trafficking in rumors. His own collector — the person who actually traveled to Russia on his behalf to gather information, including the “pee tape” allegation — later told the FBI that he “felt that the tenor of Steele’s reports was far more ‘conclusive’ than was justified,” and that “information came from ‘word of mouth and hearsay’ … ‘conversation that [he/she] had with friends over beers,'” according to a Justice Department inspector general report.
Steele suggested his collector may have “taken fright” at having his cover blown and “[tried] to downplay and underestimate” his own reporting when he spoke to the FBI. Steele added that the information he gathered passed through an important filter: his experience as an expert on Russian intelligence activities going back decades. He said his confidence in the dossier’s claims about Russia’s interest in Trump is based on his knowledge of Putin — a figure whom he has studied for decades.
“This is the M.O. of the KGB and its successor organizations,” Steele said, referring to Russia’s intelligence services.
Skeptics of Steele’s reporting, however, suggest he may have fallen victim to another trademark of Russian spy craft: disinformation. Speaking to congressional investigators in October 2019, Fiona Hill, a former National Security Council official in the Trump administration and a longtime friend of Steele’s, called Steele’s dossier a “rabbit hole.”
“It’s very likely that the Russians planted disinformation in and among other information that may have been truthful, because that’s exactly, again, the way that they operate,” Hill said.
Steele acknowledged that “there is a chance” the Russians intentionally tainted his reporting, but said he felt it was “very unlikely.”
“Ultimately, any disinformation operation has an objective,” Steele said. “Seems to me pretty far-fetched that the Russians’ objective during the campaign of 2016 was to aide Hillary Clinton and to damage Donald Trump. And I just don’t think you can get past that.”
The ‘pee tape’
One allegation from Steele’s dossier stood out immediately: a claim that the Russians had obtained a compromising video of Trump at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Moscow in 2013. According to the dossier, the tape purportedly showed Trump “employing a number of prostitutes to perform a ‘golden showers’ (urination) show in front of him” on a bed where the Obamas supposedly once stayed.
The supposed “pee tape” never emerged. But the claim may be the public’s most enduring symbol of Steele’s work — particularly after it became a favorite of late-night comics.
Steele told ABC News he believes the alleged tape “probably does” exist — but that he “wouldn’t put 100% certainty on it.”
When Stephanopoulos asked him to explain why the tape, if it does exist, has not been made public, Steele replied that “it hasn’t needed to be released.”
“Because I think the Russians felt they’d got pretty good value out of Donald Trump when he was president of the U.S.,” Steele said.
“[Putin] wouldn’t be releasing it in a hurry for all sorts of reasons,” he continued. “He would put it under very strict lock and key and make sure it never got out, unless he chose for it to get out.”
For his part, Trump has repeatedly and firmly denied this specific allegation. At a press conference the day after BuzzFeed published Steele’s dossier, Trump told reporters that he was “a germaphobe.” As recently as last week, Trump reportedly told donors at a private speech that he is “not into golden showers.”
Pressed by Stephanopoulos on how he can assess the likelihood of a seemingly outlandish allegation without concrete evidence, Steele cited his lengthy career as a British intelligence officer focused on Russia.
“When you’ve worked on Russia for 30 years like I have and you’ve spent as much time, sadly, in the brains of the Russian leadership as I have, you begin to understand these things,” Steele said. “And you actually sense whether something’s credible or not.”
Still defiant
Steele’s dossier took its first major hit with the release of special counsel Robert Mueller’s highly anticipated report, which largely omitted mention of Steele’s name or his claims. The most significant mention of Steele was not positive.
The report cast doubt on one of the dossier’s most striking claims: that Michael Cohen, Trump’s former personal attorney, had traveled to Prague in the summer of 2016 for “secret meeting/s with Kremlin officials.”
Cohen has vehemently denied ever traveling to Prague or meeting with Russian interlocutors. The Justice Department inspector general reinforced Mueller’s findings, saying the FBI had determined that this specific allegation was untrue.
To this day, Steele says he remains unmoved.
“Do you accept that finding, that it didn’t happen?” asked Stephanopoulos.
“No,” Steele replied. “I don’t.”
“But the FBI looked into this and said it wasn’t true,” Stephanopoulos said.
“I don’t know to what extent they were able to look into it. I don’t know what evidence they gathered,” Steele said. “I haven’t seen any, if you like, report on that aspect. So, from my point of view, I think it’s still an open question.”
Reached for comment, Cohen sarcastically told ABC News, “I’m pleased to see that my old friend Christopher Steele, a/k/a Austin Powers, has crawled out of the pub long enough to make up a few more stories.”
“I eagerly await his next secret dossier which proves the existence of Bigfoot, the Loch Ness Monster and that Elvis is still alive,” Cohen said.
Stephanopoulos pressed Steele: “Do you think it hurts your credibility at all that you won’t accept the findings of the FBI in this particular case?”
“I’m prepared to accept that not everything in the dossier is 100% accurate,” Steele replied. “I have yet to be convinced that that is one of them.”
Dismissing claims that subsequent government reports undermined his findings, Steele argued that, in his view, Mueller’s team actually served to reinforce the broad strokes of his dossier — those “four pillars” he described.
“Those four pillars that we mentioned … when you actually look at the detail, if you’re forensic about looking at the detail of the report, then it paints a totally different picture, in my view,” Steele said. “And I think there’s a lot of supportive commentary and evidence and so on, there, for the work we had done.”
But further investigative efforts undertaken at various levels of government have appeared to confirm the notion that Steele’s reporting was at best flawed and at worst incorrect.
A bipartisan report published by the Senate Intelligence Committee in April 2020 found that Steele’s assertions about Trump campaign aide Carter Page — which accused him of conducting “secret meetings in Moscow” with Kremlin leaders — were incorrect. Page himself would later testify before Congress that he spoke briefly with a mid-level Russian official during a visit for a Moscow speech, but that the conversation was short and inconsequential.
“Other than … facts which were readily available in news reports at the time of their inclusion in the dossier — the Committee did not find any information that corroborates the allegations related to Page in the dossier,” the report concluded.
Stephanopoulos asked Steele about the FBI decision to rely in part on his work in seeking and obtaining court approval to eavesdrop on Page under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA).
“Any regrets about that?” Stephanopoulos asked.
“It had nothing to do with us,” Steele replied. “I didn’t even know what FISA was, frankly, in 2016. We were not told of any use of our material in such a process. And therefore, if there were problems with that process, they weren’t our problems, they were the problems of the people conducting it.”
A potential threat
Steele conceded in the ABC News interview that he could not provide evidence for many of his claims, including those about Page. But pressed by Stephanopoulos on some of the findings that have come up against the harshest criticism, Steele remained defiant.
“Not the ‘pee tape,’ not Michael Cohen in Prague, not Carter Page?” asked Stephanopoulos.
“None of those things, to my mind, have been disproven,” Steele replied. “They may not have been proven. And we maybe will hear more about those things as we go forward.”
Steele said he is watching American politics from a distance these days. He said he has concerns about a potential Trump return to the presidency in 2024.
“So, Donald Trump, in your view, is a continuing threat, as long as he’s an active political player, to the national security?” Stephanopoulos asked.
“A potential one,” Steele replied. “Yes.”
And as long as Trump remains active in politics, Steele contends that more evidence to support the dossier’s claims may still surface.
“I don’t think this book is finished,” Steele said. “By a long shot.”
ABC News’ Julia Macfarlane contributed to this report.
Axios reported on Sunday, citing people familiar with the matter, that Manchin informed the White House that the child tax credit must have an “established work” requirement and a family income limit in the $60,000 range if Democrats want his vote for the package.
Progressives, however, are unlikely to get on board with the scaled-back version of the child tax credit, according to Axios.
Manchin has previously called for work requirements for the child tax credit, in addition to “means testing” to place a cap on the income of people who can receive benefits under the program.
He told reporters late last month “I want work requirements for everything. Means testing and work requirements.”
“There’s no work requirements whatsoever. There’s no education requirements whatsoever for better skill sets. Don’t you think, if we’re going to help the children, that the people should make some effort?” Manchin said.
The senator’s demands would also bring significant changes to the child tax credit after the president signed a $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill in March that funded the program for one year. The program will now give most families up to $3,600 a year instead of $2,000 annually, and directly deposit the payments into bank accounts.
Manchin did, however, signal that he was willing to support Biden’s $450 billion initiative to subsidize day care and provide free universal preschool, sources told Axios. He reportedly wants tighter income caps to be placed on day care subsidies, but to keep preschool free.
The Hill reached out to Manchin for comment.
Manchin has drawn a number of red lines for the reconciliation package in recent weeks, as the moderate senator looks to wield his power during negotiations between the White House and lawmakers on Capitol Hill. Democrats need the support of all 50 of the party’s senators for the reconciliation bill to get to Biden’s desk.
On Friday, a number of reports surfaced that the Clean Electricity Payment Program, which is key to Democrats’ fight against climate change, would likely be removed from the reconciliation package because of opposition from Manchin — infuriating progressives who see it as central to their agenda.
The program incentivizes utilities to move towards clean sources of energy by implementing grants and fines, and is key to reaching Biden’s goal of reducing emissions by 50 of the 2005 level by the end of this decade.
Last month, the West Virginia Democrat also said the controversial Hyde Amendment must be included in the spending package if Democrats want his support. Under the statute, which has been in place since 1976, Medicaid and other federal programs are not allowed to fund abortion expenses.
And Sinema has her own qualms with the legislation. The Arizona Democrat said she would not support the reconciliation package until the House approves the Senate-passed bipartisan infrastructure bill, which she helped negotiate, according to Reuters. That puts her at loggerheads with House progressives, who say they won’t vote for the infrastructure bill until the Senate passes the reconciliation package.
Additionally, both moderate senators were not ready to accept Biden’s new compromise price tag of between $1.9 trillion and $2.2 trillion for the reconciliation package, according to Axios.
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