Republicans rode a wave of conservative energy Tuesday night to a win in the election for Virginia governor and to land a better-than-expected finish in New Jersey, a race that is still too close to call, according to The Associated Press.

There were major shifts in both states in key counties and with key voting groups.

In Virginia, Republican Glenn Youngkin did better than President Donald Trump did in 2020 in every single county in the state.

In New Jersey, it was a similar story, with Republican Jack Ciattarelli improving on Trump’s margins in 20 of 21 counties (so far) and flipping four from Democratic to Republican.

The result in the Virginia governor’s race Tuesday night highlighted some major shifts in the electorate, according to exit polls. (There were no exit polls in New Jersey.)

The shifts were notable, especially considering that education and how children are taught in schools about racism dominated as a campaign issue.

Overall, the electorate in Virginia was older and whiter than in the 2020 presidential election — both were advantages for Republican Glenn Youngkin.

Voters between the ages of 18 and 29 were down significantly as a share of the electorate from 2020. Last year, they made up 1 in 5 voters. In this election, they were just 1 in 10.

The biggest shift was among independents, a group that President Biden won last year by 19 percentage points but that Youngkin won by 9.

There were also notable double-digit shifts among women (+17 points toward the Republican), white women (+15 R), white voters overall (+15 R), suburban voters (+14 R), white people without college degrees (+28 R) and parents with children under 18 living at home (+12 R).

Among those who said parents should have a lot of say in what schools teach, Youngkin won them 76% to 23%, and those voters made up 51% of the electorate.

Youngkin’s expansion with whites without college degrees is remarkable, considering how well Trump did with them. And it underscores that, right now, they are a group that is simply out of reach for Democrats.

Black voters, who are traditionally a backbone of the Democratic Party, made up a slightly lower share of the electorate than they did in 2020. They were 18% of the electorate then and 16% of the electorate in 2021. They also voted at a similar margin for Democrat Terry McAuliffe as they did for President Biden last year.

But while Youngkin was able to ride a fired-up base that went for him in rural areas in some cases by wider margins than for Trump, McAuliffe wasn’t able to do the same with Black voters.

Latinos and Asian Americans were also down slightly as a share of the electorate, but they voted in wider margins for McAuliffe this year than last. Whites with college degrees were also up 5 points as a share of the electorate and voted by about the same margin for McAuliffe as for Biden.

But the other shifts toward Youngkin more than offset these increases among key Democratic groups.

Voters in Minneapolis have resoundingly rejected a proposal to reinvent policing in their city, 17 months after the killing of George Floyd by police sparked massive protests and calls for change.

Approximately 56% of voters rejected a ballot question that would have removed the Minneapolis Police Department from the city charter, replacing it with a “public-health oriented” Department of Public Safety.

The “Yes” campaign conceded defeat in a statement that read, in part, “We spoke the truth while the opposition, Democrats and Republicans alike, spread lies and mischaracterized our measure to create confusion, distrust, and fear. “

Nationally, the vote was seen as a test of the political movement to “defund” traditional policing, as it ran up against concerns about rising violent crime.

The “defund” movement, which called for shrinking police budgets and shifting the money to other social purposes, gained ground in the summer of 2020. A few days after Floyd’s murder, most members of the Minneapolis city council appeared at a “defund” rally.

But as violent crime surged nationally — and in Minneapolis — some of those same local politicians backed away from the idea. In 2021, the “Yes” campaign, supported by national left-of-center groups such as the ACLU and MoveOn.org, also distanced itself from the “police defunding” label.

Campaign spokeswoman JaNaé Bates framed the amendment as an “expansion of public safety.” She said the elimination of the traditional department structure — and the requirement for a minimum number of police officers — would give the city more flexibility in how it responds to crime.

“You actually can staff the department the way that meets the needs of the people,” Bates told NPR in October. “We wanted to really be centered and focused on the safety of human beings.”

The “No” campaign — “All of Mpls,” funded partly by local business interests — framed the amendment as a leap in the dark.

“It does not present any sort of plan for what will come after,” says campaign manager Leili Fatehi. “There’s no specificity as to what services [the Department of Public Safety] would provide, what law enforcement would look like, what residents can expect.”

Opponents said it was a dangerous time for that kind of uncertainty, as an exodus of police officers left the Minneapolis Police Department understaffed, even as the city endured a near-record spike in gun crimes and homicides.

The two sides jousted over whether traditional police officers would be part of the new system. The “No” campaign pointed to the language of the charter amendment, which said the new Department of Public Safety “could” employ police officers, “if necessary.”

“Yes” campaigners called the warnings about the disappearance of police “fear-mongering.”

“Police will be part of the city of Minneapolis,” Bates said during a debate in October. “There is a state mandate, that overrides anything that the city sets up, that requires police officers to respond to a whole series of situations.”

The two sides also argued over the Police Chief, Medaria Arradondo. An African-American officer who came up through the ranks of the MPD, he’s more popular than most local politicians, and minority groups in the city see him as a force for reform.

Opponents of the amendment warned that eliminating the office of Chief of Police would mean losing Arradondo, while proponents said there would be no reason he couldn’t be kept on in the leadership of the new system.

Arradondo roiled the waters last Wednesday when he spoke to the press — in uniform, and in front of an MPD backdrop — to express his misgivings about the charter amendment.

“Yes” campaigners criticized the chief for taking sides, drawing an ethics complaint for using city resources to weigh in on a political matter.

The charter amendment vote also divided Minnesota’s Democratic party, as Congresswoman Ilhan Omar and state Atty. Gen. Keith Ellison weighed in to support it, while U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar and Gov. Tim Walz opposed it.

Voters in Minneapolis have resoundingly rejected a proposal to reinvent policing in their city, 17 months after the killing of George Floyd by police sparked massive protests and calls for change.

Approximately 57% of voters rejected a ballot question that would have removed the Minneapolis Police Department from the city charter, replacing it with a “public-health oriented” Department of Public Safety.

Nationally, the vote was seen as a test of the political movement to “defund” traditional policing, as it ran up against concerns about rising violent crime.

The “defund” movement, which called for shrinking police budgets and shifting the money to other social purposes, gained ground in the summer of 2020. A few days after Floyd’s murder, most members of the Minneapolis city council appeared at a “defund” rally.

But as violent crime surged nationally — and in Minneapolis — some of those same local politicians backed away from the idea. In 2021, the “Yes” campaign, supported by national left-of-center groups such as the ACLU and MoveOn.org, also distanced itself from the “police defunding” label.

Campaign spokeswoman JaNaé Bates framed the amendment as an “expansion of public safety.” She said the elimination of the traditional department structure — and the requirement for a minimum number of police officers — would give the city more flexibility in how it responds to crime.

“You actually can staff the department the way that meets the needs of the people,” Bates told NPR in October. “We wanted to really be centered and focused on the safety of human beings.”

The “No” campaign — “All of Mpls,” funded partly by local business interests — framed the amendment as a leap in the dark.

“It does not present any sort of plan for what will come after,” says campaign manager Leili Fatehi. “There’s no specificity as to what services [the Department of Public Safety] would provide, what law enforcement would look like, what residents can expect.”

Opponents said it was a dangerous time for that kind of uncertainty, as an exodus of police officers left the Minneapolis Police Department understaffed, even as the city endured a near-record spike in gun crimes and homicides.

The two sides jousted over whether traditional police officers would be part of the new system. The “No” campaign pointed to the language of the charter amendment, which said the new Department of Public Safety “could” employ police officers, “if necessary.”

“Yes” campaigners called the warnings about the disappearance of police “fear-mongering.”

“Police will be part of the city of Minneapolis,” Bates said during a debate in October. “There is a state mandate, that overrides anything that the city sets up, that requires police officers to respond to a whole series of situations.”

The two sides also argued over the Police Chief, Medaria Arradondo. An African-American officer who came up through the ranks of the MPD, he’s more popular than most local politicians, and minority groups in the city see him as a force for reform.

Opponents of the amendment warned that eliminating the office of Chief of Police would mean losing Arradondo, while proponents said there would be no reason he couldn’t be kept on in the leadership of the new system.

Arradondo roiled the waters last Wednesday when he spoke to the press — in uniform, and in front of an MPD backdrop — to express his misgivings about the charter amendment.

“Yes” campaigners criticized the chief for taking sides, drawing an ethics complaint for using city resources to weigh in on a political matter.

The charter amendment vote also divided Minnesota’s Democratic party, as Congresswoman Ilhan Omar and state Atty. Gen. Keith Ellison weighed in to support it, while U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar and Gov. Tim Walz opposed it.