California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office said Tuesday he pulled his children out of a summer day camp that did not require kids to wear masks, a violation of state policy that Newsom’s spokeswoman said he and his wife missed when reviewing communication from the camp.
“The Newsoms were concerned to see unvaccinated children unmasked indoors at a camp their children began attending yesterday and after seeing this, removed the kids from the camp,” Erin Mellon said in an email. “The family reviewed communication from the camp and realized that an email was missed saying the camp would not enforce masking guidance. Their kids will no longer be attending this camp.”
Two of Newsom’s four children, ages 10 and 11, attended the day camp, Mellon said. Her statements came after Reopen California Schools, a group that promotes full school reopening without masks, tweeted Monday it had obtained photos of one of Newsom’s sons at the camp. The group cast it as another example of Newsom saying one thing and doing another, something that could further frustrate his critics and other voters as his Sept. 14 recall election looms.
Signatures in support of the recall spiked last November after he was caught dining maskless at the expensive French Laundry restaurant while telling Californians to avoid gatherings of more than three households. He also took heat from critics for sending his children to private school that adopted a hybrid learning schedule as most public school students remained in distance learning.
The state’s masking rules require everyone, even vaccinated people, to wear masks in youth settings because children under 12 are not eligible to be vaccinated.
“We support this summer basketball camp’s approach of having each family determine their own masking situation,” the Reopen California Schools account tweeted. “The real problem is Newsom’s own family having mask choice, while he forces a different policy on every other kid in California.”
The group is run by Jonathan Zachreson, a parent who is supporting Republican Assemblyman Kevin Kiley in the recall.
An anti-abortion protester holds a sign from outside at the Jackson Women’s Health Organization also known as the The Pink House in Jackson, Mississippi on June 7, 2022. (Erin Clark/The Boston Globe/Getty Images)
The owner of the only abortion clinic in the state of Mississippi vowed at a news conference Friday afternoon to stay open and continue providing services for women for the following 10 days, hours after the US Supreme Court issued a ruling eliminating the constitutional right to abortion nationwide.
“We are continuing to provide services, and women like me, and there are many throughout this country, will be doing the same thing. And I tell you today we’re not laying down. We’re not giving up,” said Diane Derzis, owner of Jackson Women’s Health Organization.
Under the laws of Mississippi, the abortion ban triggered by today’s Supreme Court decision will go into effect 10 days after Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch certifies the decision. Fitch has not announced plans for certification.
Starting at about 4 a.m. local time on Saturday, anti-abortion activists started showing up at the clinic, according to CNN’s Nadia Romero.
“Things got really loud, really got carried away. The police were called,” she reported, adding that the situation has since calmed down.
“They let women inside of the facility hours before they technically opened because there was so much chaos going on outside,” she reported.
Clinic volunteer Kim Gibson told Romero that the staff will continue to “put the patient first … in the face of some really monstrous protesters.”
Romero said the lobby inside was packed on Saturday.
Once the Mississippi clinic is forced to close its doors, Derzis said they plan to continue to help women find the services they need.
“It’s funding all over the country. So we know how to put her in touch with those individuals and figure out which is the closest clinic you know, there’ll be women who are able to afford a plane ticket and if they can hop on a plane and get into Las Cruces, or Baltimore, Maryland or wherever, Chicago, Illinois, then that wherever is the easiest to get her in because her needs have to come first,” Derzis said.
Derzis and her team have begun plans to open a new clinic in Las Cruces, New Mexico, where they will continue to provide services.
Watch what happened outside the Mississippi clinic on Saturday morning.
In a dramatic, eleventh-hour move,Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt (R) on Thursday granted clemency to Julius Jones mere hours before Jones was scheduled to be executed for the 1999 murder and carjacking of businessman Paul Howell. Jones, 41, had spent nearly 20 years on death row professing his innocence. Following a crush of national attention as athletes, activists, celebrities, and even fellow Republican lawmakers appealed loudly on Jones’s behalf, Stitt reduced Jones’s sentence to life in prison with no possibility of parole.
“After prayerful consideration and reviewing materials presented by all sides of this case, I have determined to commute Julius Jones’ sentence to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole,” the governor said in a statement released by his office.
In short: Stitt spared Jones’s life, but wants him incarcerated for the duration of it. That represents a different sort of death sentence. It also signals an incomplete victory for both sides of this case: Jones’s advocates are happy he’s alive, but lament his inability to now argue for release; Oklahoma Attorney General John O’Connor condemned the decision, saying in a statement that he is “greatly disappointed that after 22 years, four appeals, including the review of 13 appellate judges, the work of the investigators, prosecutors, jurors, and the trial judge have been set aside.”
The commutation was also only a partial acceptance of the recommendation earlier this month from the state’s Pardon and Parole Board that Jones be granted clemency and have the chance to be eligible for immediate parole.Members of the board cited doubts about the evidence in the case, which has been controversial from the start.
Jones has always maintained his innocence, arguing that he was not even present at the scene of the killing and that his defense made a number of mistakes. The late Oklahoma County prosecutor “Cowboy” Bob Macy, who first brought the case against Jones, had a sordid record that’s been the subject of much scrutiny from academics, the press, and a 2018 ABC documentary about the Jones case, The Last Defense.
Alarm over Jones’s planned execution had been mounting in part because officials on the state’s parole board have publicly questioned the state’s lethal injection process. One official said Wednesday about another case, “I don’t think that any humane society ought to be executing people that way until we figure out how to do it right.”
Stitt’s statement did not mention the controversies surrounding Oklahoma’s lethal injections or the fate of a slate of incarcerated individuals who remain scheduled to be executed.
Members of the Oklahoma Pardon and Parole Board listen as the family of Paul Howell testifies at a commutation hearing for Julius Jones in Oklahoma City on September 13.Sue Ogrocki/AP
Oklahoma, one of 27 states with the death penalty, has been among those with the highest number of executions since the US Supreme Court reaffirmed the legality of capital punishment in Gregg v. Georgia in 1976. After Oklahoma’s lethal injection drug protocols caused two grisly deaths and a last-minute pharmaceutical error was found before the execution of a man whose guilt was in doubt, a six-year moratorium on executions in the state was instated in 2015.
State prosecutors had pledged to continue the moratorium at least until a federal trial next year examined the constitutionality of Oklahoma’s execution practices. But the state recentlybegan plowing ahead with the planned executions of several peoplein coming months, including Jones. The last man who died by lethal injection in Oklahoma, John Marion Grant, convulsed and vomited for several minutes following the administration of a sedative on October 28 — only heightening concerns about lethal injection practices.
No matter where the governor or anyone else stands on the question of capital punishment as a practice, questions about the drugs the state is continuing to use should have us asking: Does Oklahoma have any business executing people right now?
From the start, Julius Jones has said he didn’t do it
On July 28, 1999, businessman Paul Howell was shot to death outside his parents’ home in the predominantly white city ofEdmond, Oklahoma, in front of his two young children. Howell’s GMC Suburbanthen went missing.
Julius Jones, a 19-year-old engineering student at the University of Oklahoma at the time of the killing, has maintained he is innocent since his arrest three days after the shooting. “As God is my witness, I was not involved in any way in the crimes that led to Howell being shot and killed,” Jones wrote in his clemency report. “I have spent the past 20 years on death row for a crime I did not commit, did not witness and was not at.”
Outspoken celebrity advocates for Jones over the years have included Cleveland Browns quarterback Baker Mayfield, who has advocated for Jones for years. He choked back tears this week when speaking about the case. Mayfield, who won a Heisman Trophy at the University of Oklahoma, told the presshe’s “been trying to get the facts stated and the truth to be told for a while.”
Calls for mercy for Jones this week came from millions of online petitioners. Joining Mayfield in his advocacy for Jones were NBA players Trae Young, Blake Griffin, Russell Westbrook, and Buddy Hield, all of whom have Oklahoma ties. Along with Dallas Cowboys quarterback Dak Prescott, they wrote letters to Stitt pleading for commutation. Other celebrities such as reality star and legal-system reform advocate Kim Kardashian used their platforms to bring attention to Jones’s plight.
So did five Republicans in the Oklahoma House of Representatives. Those lawmakers — Kevin McDugle, Garry Mize, Logan Phillips, Preston Stinson, and John Talley — released a joint statement last week asking Stitt to accept the parole board’s recommendation.
The Black Wall Street Times reported that former Trump White House communications official Mercedes Schlapp, along with her husband Matt, had been advocating for the same. “We are pleading, praying for the governor of Oklahoma to make the right decision,” Schlapp said last week.
Julius Jones in a photo provided by the Oklahoma Department of Corrections in February 2018.Oklahoma Department of Corrections via AP
There are many reasons Jones should be spared, his advocateshave argued. Jones and his family have said that Jones was home that night, playing Monopoly with them and eating “spaghetti and cornbread.” That alibi wasn’t presented in court by his defense, which the family claims was incompetent. Prosecutors have said this is a “blatant falsehood,” and that Jones’s trial attorney never called the family to the witness stand because Jones repeatedly told his attorneys that he was not at home on the night of the murder.
The Innocence Project has called for Jones to be completely exonerated, arguing that there is “little doubt that racism was at play in Mr. Jones’s case.” Represent Justice, the nonprofit organization operating the site Justice For Julius, saysthe Jones family has claimed there was racial bias within the courtroom and racist intimidation from law enforcement — including an arresting officer and a juror who both allegedly directed the n-word at Jones.
The most significant allegation from the Jones camp is that they believe someone else committed the murder — someone who may have already admitted to it.
Trial transcripts show that witnesses identified Jones as the shooter and placed him within Howell’s stolen SUV. Howell’s daughter, Rachel — a young child sitting in the car when her father was shot — has also continued to insist that Jones was the killer. Jones, however, has said that Christopher Jordan, his former associate and co-defendant, committed the killing and later set him up by planting the murder weapon and a red bandana seen at the crime scene in the attic space above Jones’s bedroom. That’s where investigators found them both, and the bandana had Jones’s DNA on it.
It may also be incumbent upon the state to reexamine the evidence in Jones’s case solely because of the record of “Cowboy” Bob Macy, who first charged Jones with the crime in 1999. He secured at least 54 death sentences — more than any other individual prosecutor in the United States. However, courts have reversed nearly half of those sentences, and at least three of the people Macy sent to death row were later exonerated.
Macy claimed he was protecting the innocent. In 2001, he told the New York Times of the death penalty, “I feel like it makes my city, county and state a safer place for innocent people to live. And that’s why I embrace it, not because I get any enjoyment out of it.” According to a 2016 study by Harvard’s Fair Punishment Project, Macy once told a jury that sentencing a defendant to death was a “patriotic duty.”
Rachel Howell, daughter of Paul Howell, sits next to a photo of her father during a commutation hearing for Julius Jones, who was convicted of Howell’s murder, on September 13. Jones was sentenced to the death penalty; the board voted that the sentence be commuted to life in prison.Sue Ogrocki/AP
That same Harvard study concluded that Macy engaged in“extreme prosecutorial misconduct,” including findings of inappropriate behavior in 18 of his cases. At least three of his capital convictions have been overturned. Many of his convictions relied on the testimony of police forensic scientist Joyce Gilchrist, who the FBI and Oklahoma Attorney General’s office later discovered had falsified evidence.
Even with the governor’s granting of clemency to Jones on Thursday, an urgent question remaining concerns the exceptional brutality of Oklahoma’s lethal injection protocols.
Oklahoma’s history of horrific executions
Before Clayton Lockett was executed by the state in 2014 for a murder conviction, his stepmother, LaDonna Hollins, wanted to know how it was going to happen. She said to reporters at the time, “I want to know, what mixture of drugs are you going to use now? Is this instant? Is this going to cause horrible pain?”
The sedative midazolam was administered to Lockett first, followed by a paralytic called vecuronium bromide. Then came potassium chloride, which was supposed to stop Lockett’s heart. His death, however, was not instantaneous. It took 40 agonizing minutes for Lockett to die.
Lockett woke up and tried to rise from his chair, even after he was declared unconscious with all three drugs in his system. Oklahoma Department of Corrections Director Robert Patton said at the time that Lockett’s vein failed, allowing the drugs to leak out into his system. The lethal injections hadn’t brought about the relatively silent death expected from such procedures. Lockett’s botched execution resulted in him dying of a heart attack.
Charles Warner, sentenced to death after he was convicted of killing an infant, stayed still in his seat after he received his injections in 2015, but his last words were “My body is on fire.” That same year, the state came within moments of killing Richard Glossip before prison officials discovered they had received the wrong injections from their supplier. The state knew this before the execution, yet the governor’s general counsel still said that stopping Glossip’s execution “would look bad for the state of Oklahoma.”
Then all executions halted in the state for six years, until John Marion Grant was put to death in October. The 60-year-old, sentenced in 1999 for the murder of prison cafeteria worker Gay Carter, began convulsing and vomiting following the midazolam injection, per the Associated Press, something observers said was unusual. One doctor characterized the dose Grant was given as “insane.” The state insisted that it carried out the execution “in accordance with Oklahoma Department of Corrections’ protocols and without complication.”
Madeline Davis-Jones, the mother of Julius Jones, speaks to supporters outside the offices of the Oklahoma Pardon and Parole Board on February 25. Sue Ogrocki/AP
Julius Jones’s supporters rally for the commutation of his death sentence in Oklahoma City on February 25.Sue Ogrocki/AP
The latter part of that sentence —“without complication” — is surely in doubt. Oklahoma’s track record is giving authorities in the state, including some on the state parole board, pause as they consider the state’s unchanged drug protocol. Its constitutionality is still in question.
In a statement, Gov. Stitt’s office said that a 2016 election referendum had the effect of “constitutionalizing” the state’s death penalty. The governor’s office, citing the nonpartisan Death Penalty Information Center, argued that the referendum prevents state courts from declaring the death penalty cruel and unusual punishment or a violation of any provision of the state constitution.
Oklahoma moved forward last month with executing Grant, the first to die by lethal injection in the state since 2015, after the US Supreme Court voted 5-3 to lift temporary stays on his execution and that of another man: Julius Jones.
What comes next?
Even with Stitt’s announcement Thursday that he had granted Jones clemency, there is another thing to reevaluate: Oklahoma’s methods for killing its incarcerated defendants on death row. Including Thursday’s proclamation, Stitt has not given any recent public statements indicating he’ll do so.
The sparing of Jones’s life brings relief to his supporters, but not satisfaction. For every other personwho remainson Oklahoma’s death row, the same specter still looms: the violent, potentially unconstitutional manner in which the state intends to bring about their deaths.
Continued increases in coronavirus cases fueled by the ultra-contagious BA.5 subvariant as well as a rise in hospitalizations have pushed Los Angeles County even closer to reinstating a universal indoor mask mandate.
“We can’t predict with certainty what the future hospitalization trend will look like. However, it is looking more likely, as cases and admissions have continued to increase, that we’ll enter the high community level designation later this month,” L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Thursday.
Here is what you need to know:
L.A. County’s coronavirus case rate hit its highest point in nearly five months over the Fourth of July holiday weekend.
When could L.A. County issue a new mask mandate?
Officials have said a public indoor masking requirement would be reinstated should L.A. County reach the high COVID-19 community level, defined by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and remain there for two consecutive weeks.
L.A. County has not yet entered that level — the worst on the CDC’s three-tier scale. But it is the closest it has been since exiting from it in early March. The category indicates not only that a region is experiencing significant coronavirus spread but that transmission is starting to exert stress on hospitals.
The CDC updates its community level assessments every Thursday. Assuming L.A. County were to enter the high COVID-19 community level next week, on July 14, and remain there on July 21 and July 28, the soonest a mask mandate could be issued would likely have an effective date of July 29, according to Ferrer.
There’s no guarantee that will happen, though. Projections are based on the possibility of current trends continuing.
The latest maps and charts on the spread of COVID-19 in Los Angeles County, including cases, deaths, closures and restrictions.
How close are we?
To reach the high community level, L.A. County would need to observe at least 10 new weekly coronavirus-positive hospitalizations for every 100,000 residents.
According to CDC data released Thursday, the rate listed for L.A. County was 9.7, a 17% increase from the previous week’s rate of 8.3.
However, from the county’s perspective, the actual figure is lower — 8.4.
That, Ferrer said, is because federal data combines L.A. and Orange counties, as the two fall within the same health service area that the CDC uses to calculate its metrics.
“This approach was not initially problematic, as the L.A. County and the Orange County metrics were relatively similar,” Ferrer said.
But that’s no longer the case. Ferrer said Orange County’s rate of new weekly coronavirus-positive hospitalizations for every 100,000 residents was 13.3 as of Wednesday.
“Given this divergence, which now actually will affect the level assignment and designation, we’re going to use the L.A. County-specific data in determining the hospital metrics that are used to make the designated community level assignments,” she said.
Based on current trends, however, Ferrer estimated the L.A. County rate could surpass the high threshold as soon as next week.
Taking preventative measures is especially important now as BA.4 and especially BA.5 can reinfect even those who recently contracted an earlier Omicron subvariant.
Why is L.A. County considering a mask mandate?
Officials say the potential order is aligned with guidance from the CDC, which recommends indoor masking for counties in the high COVID-19 community level.
About 60% of California’s counties are in that category, including in the San Francisco Bay Area and Central Valley. Some 16 million Californians live in a county with a high COVID-19 community level, accounting for 41% of the state’s population.
In Southern California, Ventura County is the only county in the high community level.
However, no other California counties have publicly linked the return of universal mask mandates to the CDC framework. And the only region to reissue a face covering order in response to the latest wave, Alameda County, has already rescinded it.
The coronavirus subvariants are not only especially contagious but also capable of reinfecting those who have survived earlier Omicron infection.
Though health officials almost universally recommend indoor masking as an extra layer of protection against coronavirus transmission, some have characterized new mandates at this time as unnecessary, given both epidemiological changes in the virus and the availability of vaccines and treatments.
Ferrer, though, says universal masking doesn’t just help protect the individual.
“While it’s true we have an amazing set of tools that we can all use to protect ourselves — and in fact, some of those tools will protect lots of other people as well — there are many people, particularly in essential work environments, where they would benefit if more people around them were actually using some of the safety precautions that we know work,” she said. “And that’s the case with masking.”
For L.A. County, she added, “equity issues are paramount.”
“Partly, we’re such a large jurisdiction; partly, we’ve witnessed really tragic and unconscionable differences and disproportionality in who’s been the hardest hit, that we want to make sure that where we have a simple and effective tool that can be used … that we make sure that we’re using that tool when the risk level gets high,” she said.
There are reasons for health officials to be particularly cautious about the effects of a pandemic wave in L.A. County.
L.A. County is considered by the CDC as highly vulnerable in a pandemic, according to the agency’s Social Vulnerability Index, based on factors like poverty and crowded housing.
By contrast, its neighboring coastal counties — Ventura and Orange — as well as the five most populous counties in the San Francisco Bay Area — including Alameda County — have moderate levels of vulnerability.
In L.A. County, 14% of residents live below the poverty line; in Ventura County, 9% do.
L.A. County’s median household income of about $71,000 is below the state median of nearly $79,000, while Ventura County’s is higher, at $89,000.
There are two antiviral pills available for eligible patients who have recently tested positive for the coronavirus. And they’re free.
How are hospitals faring?
As of Thursday, 1,021 coronavirus-positive patients were hospitalized in L.A. County. That’s the highest single-day total since late February and a 38% increase from two weeks ago.
While the trendline has not yet taken the ominous, near-vertical shape seen during the worst waves of the pandemic, the daily patient count has more than quadrupled since mid-April.
“The worry, of course, with the increase in hospitalizations is that there may be more individuals at risk for severe illness that are getting infected now, given the highly transmissible new variants,” Ferrer said.
So far, though, this latest surge is not wreaking anywhere close to the same kind of havoc as those that came before. During the initial Omicron spike last fall and winter, coronavirus-positive hospitalizations topped out above 4,800. For last summer’s Delta surge, the peak was nearly 1,800.
During winter 2020, L.A. County’s coronavirus-positive patient count at times exceeded 8,000.
Since the hyper-transmissible Omicron variant appeared in early December, the coronavirus has affected nearly every family and social circle.
A significant number of patients — Ferrer pegged the number at 60% — are not hospitalized specifically for COVID-19 but have tested positive after seeking treatment for other reasons. But each presents a particular strain on resources because of the additional services needed to keep them from spreading the virus.
Hospitalizations are also a lagging indicator of coronavirus spread; as long as coronavirus transmission remains elevated, patient counts are unlikely to tail off significantly. And even as transmission peters out, it can take weeks for that trend to provide relief.
Also yet to be seen are the impacts of the BA.4 and BA.5 subvariants, which are growing increasingly dominant nationwide.
Even though hospitals are not reporting being overwhelmed now, Ferrer said the plan to reinstate a mask mandate should hospitalizations worsen is prudent.
“Waiting until hospitals are overwhelmed is way too late to try to do much about slowing transmission,” Ferrer said. “The time to slow transmission is actually when you start seeing indicators that you’re having more utilization at your hospitals.”
The CDC recommends that everyone age 2 and older wear masks in indoor settings when a county reaches the high COVID-19 community level, which includes both hospitalization and coronavirus case rates.
When those indicators are high, “that’s the time to start getting worried and to start trying to do something to slow down transmission,” Ferrer said.
“We’re not going to be able to completely eliminate transmission of these highly infectious new subvariants, but we can definitely make a better effort to slow transmission down so that the increases at the hospitals don’t end up creating the kind of stress that we saw both during the Omicron winter surge and the previous winter surge,” Ferrer said.
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