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BUFFALO, N.Y. (AP) — The white man accused of killing 10 Black people at a supermarket in Buffalo appeared in court Thursday, standing silently during a brief proceeding attended by some relatives of the victims after a grand jury indicted him.

Payton Gendron, 18, wore an orange jail uniform, a mask and handcuffs. As he was led out, someone shouted “Payton, you’re a coward!” from the courtroom gallery. He is being held in jail without bail.

Assistant district attorney Gary Hackbush said the first-degree murder indictment, which covers all 10 deaths, was handed up Wednesday.

Thirteen people in all were shot Saturday at the Tops Friendly Market in a predominantly Black neighborhood of Buffalo. Authorities are continuing to investigate the possibility of hate crime and terrorism charges.

District attorney John Flynn said his office would not comment on the case while the grand jury investigation continues.

Gendron’s lawyers also declined comment, according to defense attorney Daniel DuBois.

The victims’ family members who had attended the hearing left without immediately speaking to reporters.

Gendron, 18, livestreamed the attack from a helmet camera before surrendering to police outside the grocery store. Shortly before the attack, he posted hundreds of pages of writings to online discussion groups where he detailed his plans for the assault and his racist motivation.

Investigators have been examining those documents, which included a private diary he kept on the chat platform Discord.

At his initial court appearance last week, Gendron’s court-appointed lawyer entered a plea of “not guilty” on his behalf. He is due back in court June 9.

The massacre at the Tops supermarket was unsettling even in a nation that has become almost numb to mass shootings. All but two of the 13 of the people shot during the attack were Black. Gendron’s online writings said he planned the assault after becoming infatuated with white supremacist ideology he encountered online.

The diary said Gendron planned his attack in secret, with no outside help, but Discord confirmed Wednesday that an invitation to access his private writings was sent to a small group of people about 30 minutes before the assault began.

Some of them accepted the invitation. It was unclear how many read what he had written or logged on to view the assault live. It also wasn’t clear whether anyone tried to alert law enforcement.

Buffalo Police Commissioner Joseph Gramaglia has said investigators were working to obtain, verify and review Gendron’s online postings.

New York Gov. Kathy Hochul on Wednesday authorized the state’s attorney general, Letitia James, to investigate social media platforms used by Gendron to determine if they were liable for “providing a platform to plan and promote violence.”

Source Article from https://apnews.com/article/buffalo-supermarket-shooting-crime-shootings-hate-crimes-110ac168991e68673adb34fe5e1499ff

President Biden speaks during a rare formal news conference on the last day of his first year in the White House.

Susan Walsh/AP


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Susan Walsh/AP

President Biden speaks during a rare formal news conference on the last day of his first year in the White House.

Susan Walsh/AP

Several U.S. presidents have been known for their love of reading history, especially biographies and most especially biographies of former presidents.

If President Biden did not have this White House habit yet, now would be a good time to pick it up.

For the moment, the current president surely feels beleaguered. Battered by a week of largely negative reviews, berated by activists on all sides, Biden is down in public approval polls by an average of about 15 points from a year ago.

His accomplishments in the first year have been largely upstaged by his defeats; his early progress against the pandemic overshadowed by setbacks. Record job growth and rising wages have been eclipsed by a surge in inflation. Conventional wisdom in Washington and elsewhere expects this November’s midterm elections to return Republicans to majority control in the House and possibly the Senate.

Still, solace may be found in those who have gone before, especially those who have labored in the Oval Office in the age of polls and TV news.

Without exception, presidents in their first year or so have encountered setbacks or problems that would have lasting consequences for their presidencies and their parties.

Most of the presidents elected since World War II have seen their poll numbers fall in Year One, sometimes dramatically. The two presidents whose first-year polling rose appreciably were both the beneficiaries of global events (and were also both named George Bush).

All but one saw his party suffer a net loss of seats in the House in the first set of midterm elections, typically with a loss of Senate seats and governorships as well.

Yet it must be noted that these early reversals have not always been crippling. On the contrary, three of the past four presidents elected — and five of the past eight — have recovered from shaky starts to win re-election.

Trump was embattled from the start

The most obvious point of comparison with Biden’s first year is the inaugural year of his immediate predecessor. Former President Donald Trump was dogged by controversies left over from his campaign and took office polling under 50%.

Trump had far larger majorities in both chambers of Congress than Biden. Yet his first year ended with his signature issues – repeal of Obamacare and the building of a wall with Mexico – both stalled in Congress, both permanently, as it turned out.

In August of that first year, a white supremacist march in Charlottesville, Va., led to a riot that turned deadly for one person protesting the march. (Trump famously said there were “good people on both sides.”)

By summer, Trump’s public approval ratings were below 40%, where they stayed much of the year in the Gallup, the RCP average and the 538.com average. It was the lowest standing at the one-year mark since polling began. (His average for his time in office would be just 41%, the lowest of any presidency since polling began.)

In the midterm elections of 2018, Republicans lost a net of 41 seats and their majority in the House. The new Democratic leadership would subsequently impeach Trump twice, battling him on virtually every issue.

Yet, by the end of his term, Trump had regained the mid-to-high 40s range in the polls, and in the 2020 election he managed to win nearly 47% of the popular vote (his 74.2 million votes were the most for any incumbent ever, but 7 million fewer than cast for challenger Biden).

Obama’s campaign magic fades

The president for whom Biden served as vice president also found the first year a tall order. In fact, his poll standing fell farther in his first year than that of any other president since polling began.

Obama had the largest majorities in Congress of any Democrat in a generation (nearly three-fifths in each chamber). But negotiating the Affordable Care Act and new regulations for scandal-scarred Wall Street proved daunting nonetheless. Progressives were bitterly disappointed in the final form of both bills.

In the spring of Obama’s first year, 2009, rallies in Washington and elsewhere featured activists and citizens gathering under the banner of the “Tea Party.” Initially focused on fiscal restraint, the populist coalition soon attracted activists on a wide array of issues.

In that first summer, crowds swarmed the town hall meetings held by Democratic members of Congress, protesting what they were already calling Obamacare, even though it had yet to be enacted.

By summer, Obama’s polling had descended from his stratospheric start in the high-60s. In the fall, Republicans won governorships in Virginia and New Jersey running explicitly against him. At year’s end, he was down to 50% approval in the Gallup (from 67%) and down to 48% in the polls aggregated by 538.com (a drop of 20 points for the year).

Little wonder, then, that in November 2010 Obama’s party took what he himself called “a shellacking” in the midterms, shedding 63 seats in the House and barely holding its majority in the Senate.

Still, like others before him, Obama managed to keep pitching and working with the remnant of support he had on the Hill and secured a second term in office in 2012.

George W. Bush: The 9/11 exception

No postwar president has finished his first year riding quite so high as the one who was in office for the worst disaster of the era – the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on Sept. 11, 2001.

Bush was elected by the narrowest Electoral College margin in history, and like Trump he began his first year “underwater” in the approval polls at 46%. He had a healthy majority in the House, but only a 50-50 tie in the Senate (broken for the GOP by Vice President Richard B. Cheney).

Bush was himself stuck at around 50% in the polls when Sept. 11 arrived. But after terrorists had killed nearly 3,000 Americans and destroyed the World Trade Center, Bush was able to summon the nation to a moment of unity – first in grief, then in retaliatory resolve. His approval numbers shot up to 90% and stayed around 80% into early 2002. That fall, Bush’s party added to its House majority and won back its majority in the Senate, a first-midterm showing unmatched since Franklin Roosevelt in 1934.

[The only other president since Roosevelt to avoid serious losses in his first midterm was John F. Kennedy in 1962. Kennedy had won a narrow victory in 1960 with virtually no “coattail effect” in Congress. So his party was not especially vulnerable at the time and lost a net of four seats in the House while breaking even in the Senate. ]

Bush’s poll numbers slowly returned to earth, as the fighting in Iraq persisted and the glow of his post-9/11 performance began to fade. But Bush was able to eke out another Electoral College victory in 2004 and serve a second term.

Clinton’s steep learning curve

If Bush was the great exception, Bill Clinton’s case was perhaps the most telling example in recent history of a first-year comedown and first-midterm come-uppance.

Elected at 46, defeating an incumbent president, Clinton surely came to power with a full head of steam. But his early negotiations with entrenched Democrats in Congress went badly and a series of administrative missteps cost him momentum. Clinton’s decision to focus on a major health care overhaul went awry practically from the beginning. In his first year, his Gallup approval number hit an early high of 59% in February and a low of 48% in November.

As the historic pattern would suggest, Clinton took a historic drubbing in the 1994 midterms, which cost the Democrats their majority in both the House and the Senate. In the House, this produced the first Republican Speaker in 40 years, Newt Gingrich, a fiery partisan whose influence on life in the chamber is still felt nearly three decades later.

For all that, Clinton was able to recalibrate and win re-election rather easily in 1996.

George H.W. Bush: Hero and goat

The single term of the first President Bush featured breath-taking highs and lows in his popularity, defying the usual trajectory of first-year and first-term presidential performance.

Having been vice president under the popular Ronald Reagan, Bush won 40 states in 1988. Taking office at a modest 51% approval in the Gallup, he benefited from a year of good news on the world stage as the Soviet Union was breaking up. Bush also got a bump to 80% approval with a brief incursion into Panama to protect the canal and depose a drug-dealing dictator.

In his second year, Bush assembled a multi-national coalition to resist the takeover of Kuwait by Iraq. The success of the brief Persian Gulf War in 1991 pushed the American president past 80% in his Gallup approval. But a recession later that year lingered in its effects, a primary challenge and a third-party candidate bruised his re-election prospects further and his polls fell sharply through most of his re-election year. His Gallup approval bottomed out at 29% in August.

Reagan’s forgotten first-year foibles

Given the reverence still shown to the memory of President Reagan, it is somewhat surprising to reflect on the difficulties of his first year in office. He inherited both recession and inflation in 1981, and neither would improve much in his first year. While he enacted his most important changes in federal spending and taxation that year, the effects were not immediately obvious. His best polling came as he survived and recovered from an assassination attempt in the spring. Thereafter, his Gallup descended steadily for 20 months, hitting a low of 35% in his second winter in the White House.

That was shortly after midterms had cost him two dozen seats in the House, where the GOP was already in the minority. Democrats dominated elections in swing states that year, and many observers expected Reagan to retire after one term. But the Gipper would climb back in the latter two years of his term, as the economy improved and inflation eased. In 1984, he carried 49 states on his way to a second term.

Jimmy Carter: Outsider vs. insiders

Carter was the former governor of Georgia who promised “never to lie to you” and rose to the nomination and the White House as the antidote to a scandal-weary era in Washington. He began his first year at 66% approval and peaked at 75% in March.

But his inexperience with Capitol Hill soon showed, and controversies arose with some of his early appointments. His numbers drifted mostly downward through his first year as Americans dealt with double-digit inflation and energy shortages. Carter did not fall below 50% in the Gallup until early in his second year, but rarely rose above that level thereafter.

Carter’s historic struggles with Russia and revolutionary Iran took place late in his term after he had lost 15 seats in the House and three in the Senate in 1978. His approval would fall below 40% by the time he lost his re-election bid to Reagan.

Richard Nixon: Grasping the nettle

Nixon took office in 1969 having won a surprisingly close election over a Democratic Party deeply divided by the Vietnam war. Nixon had hits and misses in his first year (his first two nominations to the Supreme Court met stiff opposition in the Senate). But he mostly polled well above 50% approval, and he was able to hold his party’s midterm election losses to a relative minimum (12 seats in the House and 11 governorships).

Nixon enjoyed one big spike in his Gallup approval in mid-November of his first year, when he hit 67%. That poll coincided with the largest anti-war demonstrations of the era, including a massive march on Washington that Nixon pointedly ignored. He would not reach that high in the Gallup again until the week he was inaugurated for his second term in 1973 (after carrying 49 states). Thereafter began his long year of descent over the Watergate burglary and cover-up, and he left office 17 months later at 24% in the Gallup.

Presidents who preceded Nixon and the eras in which they served are more difficult to compare to the group described here. Lyndon Johnson became president when Kennedy was assassinated in 1963. His first year was an emotional one for the nation, and he was able to channel that to pass the Civil Rights Act and win a term of his own in a landslide. His first year as president in his own right was a continuation of this energy, and his Gallup approval did not fall below 60% until the first poll of 1966. Thereafter, as the Vietnam war worsened and big cities experienced summer riots, Johnson’s numbers fell dramatically. The 1966 midterms cost his party 47 seats in the House and three in the Senate, as well as eight governorships.

Source Article from https://www.npr.org/2022/01/23/1075090558/bidens-predecessors-could-have-felt-his-first-year-pain

With three weeks until Election Day, Republican Sen. Marco Rubio and Democrat Rep. Val Demings will debate for the first and only time Tuesday, putting a spotlight, at least for an hour, on a US Senate race that has flown under the radar.

Beyond providing a venue for Demings to shift the political winds that until now appear to have favored Rubio, the debate may also be her last, best chance to convince her party that Florida is a worthwhile investment for its final push to maintain control of the US Senate. While national Democrats and their allies celebrated when Demings announced she would challenge Rubio, they have offered little by way of reinforcements ever since, leaving the three-term congresswoman to largely fend for herself against a seasoned campaigner and one of the Republican Party’s most recognizable figures.

At a recent campaign stop in Tampa, Demings acknowledged the uphill climb she faces, telling CNN of the race, “Of course it’s hard, but it’s not impossible.” She said her own fundraising, which had surpassed Rubio by $20 million as of September 30, showed voters in Florida and around the country are “willing to stand up and fight for what they need, not just allow the same old broken record to be played over and over again, with pitiful results.”

But her campaign coffers are dwindling, and at the start of October, Rubio had more cash on hand: $9.6 million to Demings’ $6.6 million.

Asked about the party’s support, Demings replied, “My parents gave me the resources that I need to win,” a nod to the work ethic she said was instilled by her upbringing.

Much of the Democratic Party’s attention and resources have focused on a handful of battlegrounds that appear more tightly contested than Florida, where Republicans have seized momentum with such vigor that some are questioning whether the Sunshine State remains a purple battleground. Republicans entered September with 270,000 more registered voters than Democrats – a 600,000 voter swing from the last time Rubio was on the ballot six years ago.

That Republican enthusiasm has been credited to the state’s hard-charging governor, Ron DeSantis, and its most famous resident, ex-President Donald Trump, but Rubio has benefited from it nevertheless. Despite running a low-key campaign, polls suggest the Republican incumbent entered the final stretch of the race with a comfortable lead.

From this position, Rubio has faced head-on two contentious issues others in his party have ducked heading into midterms: the future of abortion access and Trump’s legal troubles.

Rubio cosponsored a Senate bill introduced by South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham that would ban abortion in every state at 15 weeks, with exceptions for abortions required to protect the life of the mother, and if the woman becomes pregnant through rape or incest. The support for a national abortion ban came just as Demings was already airing an ad critical of Rubio’s position.

And in the days after the US Department of Justice seized classified documents at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago, Rubio, who serves as vice chairman of the Senate select committee on intelligence, defended the former President and dismissed concerns about Trump’s handling of state secrets as a “fight over the storage of documents.”

Rubio, through his campaign, declined a request for an interview, but in a statement, spokeswoman Elizabeth Gregory said the senator on Tuesday “will highlight his record of getting things done for Florida and shine a light on Congresswoman Val Demings’ blind support for Democrats’ agenda and her failure to deliver results for Floridians.”

Rubio reversal

When Rubio ended his campaign for president in 2016, DeSantis — then a relatively unknown congressman — bowed out of the Republican race for US Senate so Rubio, the Florida GOP’s senior statesman, could run again for his job.

Six years later, Rubio remains the veteran, but he is clearly behind DeSantis in the state’s Republican pecking order. It is now DeSantis who commands crowds of people across the country that once showed up for Rubio, who Time magazine in 2013 dubbed “the Republican Savior.” When the Republican ticket toured the state after the August primary, DeSantis headlined and Rubio was the warm-up act.

The reversal in political standing is reflected in the GOP enthusiasm for the two candidates. While DeSantis approached nearly universal support from Republicans in a Spectrum News/Siena College poll of likely voters taken last month – 93% – Rubio’s favorability didn’t eclipse 80%. DeSantis polled higher than Rubio across nearly every demographic. Rubio, the son of Cuban immigrants, has typically enjoyed higher support than most Republicans among Latino voters, but DeSantis has the edge there, too.

Don Levy, director of the Siena Research Institute, said the numbers suggest Rubio would be facing a tougher reelection fight were it not for the energy DeSantis brings to the ballot. DeSantis is leading Democrat Charlie Crist in the race for governor 49% to 41%, a similar margin as the Senate race, the poll found.

“Rubio’s favorability shows that he’s not really ascendant at this point in time,” Levy said. “But it’s hard to imagine there are going to be a lot of Desantis-Demings voters. Even if the Republican voter is not sold on Rubio, he still has a R next to his name.”

JC Martin, the longtime chairman of the Polk County Republican Party, said Rubio doesn’t connect with the grassroots the way he used to and that is driving the enthusiasm gap between him and DeSantis.

“Rubio doesn’t get out to the localities as much as he should. I’ve told him that myself,” Martin said. “Out of sight, out of mind.”

No money, more problems

Heading into the summer of 2022, Florida’s US Senate race looked like it could materialize into a marquee matchup of two political heavyweights. Demings, a former impeachment manager for House Democrats who two years ago made Joe Biden’s shortlist for a running mate, entered the race in April and immediately announced herself as a serious political challenger by outraising Rubio in her first three months as a candidate.

Democrats were already struggling in Florida. Then came Hurricane Ian.

Getting Demings into the race was a shot in the arm for a state Democratic Party that has struggled in recent years to recruit strong candidates. Her backstory — born in Jacksonville, the daughter of a maid and a janitor, a former Orlando police chief married to a former sheriff — became bullet points in campaign ads and helped her attract national attention from the likes of The Atlantic and Vanity Fair. The latter featured Demings this summer in a favorable profile accompanied with pictures of the Democratic congresswoman riding her red Harley-Davidson.

But despite aggressive early spending and beating Rubio to the airwaves, many Floridians are still learning who Demings is. The Spectrum News/Siena College poll of likely voters from last month showed 44% of respondents didn’t know enough about Demings to say whether they had a favorable opinion of her.

“Demings to us appeared as though she was still introducing herself,” Levy said.

In addition to the headwinds she faces in Florida, Demings is fighting to distance herself from corners of the Democratic Party that have at times pushed for governments to reduce funding for police departments. As a former beat cop turned police chief, Demings offered Democrats hope that she could neutralize Republican messaging on crime, but it has not deterred Rubio from running ads tying her to anti-law enforcement sentiments in her party.

As recently as this month, Demings defensively ran ads to push back against “defund the police” and her campaign was amplifying coverage that emphasized her “independence” from Democrats on the issue.

“I do think it’s interesting that a couple of people in Congress talked about defunding the police. The overwhelming majority of people in Congress have not said that,” she said in Tampa. “If anybody who wants to run with the defund the police narrative bothered to talk to people in the most vulnerable communities, they would tell you, we don’t want to defund the police.”

Demings said Tuesday’s debate will offer voters a choice between a candidate “who has protected and served their community, wasn’t afraid to do that … or someone who has been in elected office since 1998.” But there isn’t much airtime reserved for her to pound that message into the minds of Floridians once the debate ends.

After drawing over $50 million in ad spending up to this point, Florida has fallen off the Senate midterm map dramatically. The race is set to see less than $8 million in total ad spending by both parties over the final three weeks, according to the latest data provided by the advertising tracker AdImpact. And tellingly, no outside groups from either party have booked airtime over the critical home stretch.

The spending in Florida pales to the $53 million in ad time reserved for the coming weeks in neighboring Georgia, and it falls far short of the 8-figure sums ready to be spent in Wisconsin, North Carolina, New Hampshire and Arizona, states where it is far cheaper to advertise than notoriously expensive Florida.

Ione Townsend, the chairwoman of the Hillsborough County Democratic Party, couldn’t recall a year when statewide candidates had less support from national groups and parties.

“By not getting involved in 2022, they’re sending a message that they’re passing on us in 2024,” said Townsend. “And they may have already done that. We know that there has not been a lot of money coming into Florida. We’re all feeling that.”

CORRECTION: A previous version of this story incorrectly stated parameters of Lindsey Graham’s proposed 15-week abortion ban. It would provide exceptions in cases of rape, incest and to protect the life of the mother. This story has also been updated to correct the spelling of Graham’s first name.

Source Article from https://www.cnn.com/2022/10/18/politics/florida-senate-debate-preview/index.html