The resolution calling for $50,000 in debt relief was introduced earlier this month by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.
Such a move would have cost about $800 billion and deliver 36 million Americans out of debt, according to reports.
The Higher Education Act of 1965 authorizes the U.S. secretary of education to cancel student loans, meaning Biden could order the move, according to Warren and Schumer’s provision. However, Biden didn’t have an appetite for such a unilateral move considering the stakes of hundreds of billions of dollars that would need to be wiped off the books all at once for nearly 40 million people.
“Canceling student loan debt is the single most effective executive action President Biden can take to lift the economic prospects of tens of millions of young Americans,” Warren said recently.
All federally backed student loans have been in forbearance throughout the pandemic, and Biden extended the pause in payments and interest until Oct. 1.
Supporters of the loan cancellation plan say it would spark a wide swath of the economy, including new business, consumer spending, retirement savings, homebuying and other sectors. Critics, however, say the move would only bring a modest bump to economic activity in GDP. Republicans reportedly oppose the move.
Biden’s firm stance on the debt forgiveness came as no surprise.
In previous weeks, the White House had already signaled that Congress should pass legislation to achieve it as student loan matters typically fall under federal spending set by Congress.
“The President continues to support the cancelling of student debt to bring relief to students and families,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki tweeted recently. “Our team is reviewing whether there are any steps he can take through executive action and he would welcome the opportunity to sign a bill sent to him by Congress.”
Republicans fear the conservative firebrand accused of sexual misconduct will cost them a crucial Senate seat.
Republicans are promising to do everything they can to obliterate Roy Moore in the Alabama Senate primary.
A push is underway to get President Donald Trump involved in derailing Moore. Republicans are actively moving to recruit Jeff Sessions to run for his old seat. And GOP leaders are warning the party will jeopardize perhaps its only chance at picking up a Senate seat next year if they let Democrat Doug Jones get his favored match-up.
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“There will be a lot of efforts made to ensure that we have a nominee other than him and one who can win in November,” said Senate Majority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). “He’s already proven he can’t.”
Added Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, “We’ll be opposing Roy Moore vigorously.”
Moore famously lost to Jones in 2017 after the Alabama Republican was besieged by sexual misconduct allegations from his past and he lost the support of key GOP officials. His reemergence as a candidate Thursday evoked palpable disgust among Republican senators as it dawned on them they will have to confront him once again before he potentially costs them another seat.
“Give me a break. This place has enough creepy old men,” said Sen. Martha McSally (R-Ariz.), referring to Washington, when asked about Moore’s candidacy.
“The people of Alabama are smarter than that,” said Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colo.), who as leader of the party’s campaign arm at the time vowed to try and expel Moore from the Senate if he won. “They certainly didn’t choose him last time, why would they choose him this time?”
A Moore candidacy could harm Republicans’ national brand if he catches fire again, and incumbents running in purple states — like Gardner and McSally — are loath to find themselves tied to him. And facing a tougher 2020 map with several battleground seats in play, Republicans are eager to beat Jones and cushion their majority.
If Republicans do defeat Jones, that would require Democrats to pick up a minimum of four seats elsewhere to take the Senate. Alabama should be an easy pickup for Republicans, given the state’s bright red hue and Trump’s popularity, which is why Moore’s new run is causing such alarm in the GOP.
“You think it’s been divisive before? It gets really divisive on the other side,” Jones said of Moore’s Senate bid. Moore defeated former Sen. Luther Strange (R-Ala.) in 2017 despite significant support from the party establishment.
Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) has talked to Sessions about running for his old seat, which he left to become attorney general for Trump. Sessions did not indicate to him whether he will run, but Republicans said privately that the four-term senator could face his own problems as a candidate, given Trump’s antipathy for Sessions’ service in his administration.
Sessions suggested last year in an interview with POLITICO that he was done with politics, raising doubts that he would try and take on Moore.
“If Sessions runs, I think he would dominate the field. Now, I don’t know if he’ll run. He hasn’t said he wouldn’t run,” said Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.). “I would oppose Roy Moore. … I will not be by myself, I hope. I think Alabama can do better than that.”
Rep. Bradley Byrne (R-Ala.) and former Auburn Coach Tommy Tuberville are already in the race, and Rep. Gary Palmer (R-Ala.) is considering it. But that crowded field could easily play to Moore’s advantage given his past popularity with the state’s most conservative voters. What’s more, Moore also could conceivably win a general election with Trump atop the ticket, a nightmare for the Senate GOP that would then have to deal with a bomb-thrower in the caucus.
The president and his son, Donald Trump Jr., have already expressed their dissatisfaction with Moore’s run. Trump tweeted last month that Moore “cannot win,” and Trump Jr. tweeted Thursday that “Roy Moore is going against my father and he’s doing a disservice to all conservatives across the country in the process.”
“The people of Alabama rejected Roy Moore just a few months ago. And I don’t see that anything has changed,” said Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.), chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee.
Yet Moore has been unbowed by that criticism, seeking to run once against as an outsider against the establishment. Republicans largely pulled their support from his bid after the sexual misconduct allegations were reported by the Washington Post, leaving Moore adrift in a race that should have been an easy GOP hold.
On Thursday, Moore called out Young for opposing his candidacy and slammed both the NRSC and the Senate Leadership Fund, an outside group that spent heavily against Moore in 2017. He accused the NRSC of running a “smear campaign” and bashed Shelby for doubting his viability.
“Why such a hatred and opposition to somebody running? Why does mere mention of my name cause people just to get up in arms in Washington, D.C.?” Moore said at a news conference Thursday.
That combative stance is leading some Republicans to suggest Trump may have to do more, because otherwise “we probably lose the seat,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas).
“I’m concerned,” Cornyn said. “If President Trump came out forcefully against him … that would certainly make it more likely that somebody else will get nominated.”
Yet Republicans are also wary of doing anything that could repeat the debacle of 2017, when support from Senate Republicans seemed to weigh on Strange and give Moore an opening in the primary. The Senate Leadership Fund is not yet vowing to spend in the race, waiting to see if his candidacy will fall apart on its own, and senators said they need to have a lighter touch this time around to stop Moore from succeed.
“We will do everything we can to stop him. But we need to be careful about that,” said one Republican senator. “We have to be more elegant.”
Sens. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), Michael F. Bennet (D-Colo.) and Cory Booker (D-N.J.), with the support of several other Democratic senators, are pushing a measure to disburse $2,000 checks to everyone under a certain income threshold. Their plan would require the government to disburse checks for an additional $1,500 if the health and economic emergencies continue, followed by quarterly payments of $1,000 after that.
PHOENIX (AP) — In mid-May, partisan investigators hired by Arizona state lawmakers backed off their allegation that the state’s most populous county had destroyed its 2020 election database. Confronted with proof that the data still existed, they admitted everything was there.
Two months later, the tale lives on. At an event Saturday, former President Donald Trump presented the debunked allegation as a key piece of evidence that the state’s electoral votes were stolen from him in 2020.
It was one of a number of fabricated and familiar stories Trump told the crowd in his relentless effort to deny the well-established legitimacy of his defeat at the hands of President Joe Biden.
Over nearly two hours, Trump revisited his touchstones of grievance, leveling allegations of fraud that election officials and judges have systematically refuted or brushed aside. It was Trump’s most explicit effort to insert himself into the widely discredited Arizona audit as he tries to increase the pressure on other states to embark on similar efforts.
TRUMP: “Unbelievably, the auditors have testified that the master database for the election management system, I’m sorry to tell you, has been deleted…. Meaning the main database for all of the election-related data in Maricopa for 2020 has been illegally erased. It’s been erased.”
THE FACTS: Wholly false. The database was never deleted.
At first, auditors hired by Republican state senators sympathetic to Trump reported that a database directory was deleted from an election management server. The official Twitter account tied to the audit said the deletion amounted to “spoliation of evidence.”
The Republican-dominated Maricopa County Board of Supervisors responded by calling the auditors incompetent and threatening to file a defamation lawsuit. Board Chairman Jack Sellers said the auditors “can’t find the files because they don’t know what they’re doing.” Maricopa County Recorder Stephen Richer, a Republican who took over the elections office after defeating a Democrat, called the allegation “unhinged.”
The next day, Ben Cotton, founder of a digital forensics firm working on the audit, confirmed he had recovered all of the files. “I have the information I need,” he acknowledged, and the auditors deleted their tweet.
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TRUMP: “There were 18,000 people who voted in Arizona in 2020 who were then purged from the rolls immediately after the election.”
THE FACTS: This didn’t happen. His insinuation that people were stricken from the rolls because they voted for him is baseless.
Actually, 13,320 voters were removed from the rolls in the two months after the election, not 18,000 right away, and there were routine reasons why.
Voting rolls are updated constantly as people move, die, get convicted of felonies or have their voting rights revoked because of incapacitation. Trump was repeating a claim made by Doug Logan, CEO of Cyber Ninjas, the inexperienced firm leading the state Senate Republicans’ audit of the 2020 election.
Maricopa County officials said their analysis of the data shows 7,916 voters were removed from the rolls because they moved out of the county or died between Nov. 3, which was Election Day, and Jan. 2. An additional 5,404 people were removed for other reasons, including felony convictions, incapacitation or the voters’ own request to cancel their registration.
The county has about 2.6 million registered voters.
Overall, Biden won Arizona by 10,457 votes out of 3.4 million cast. That’s vastly more than the number of votes where fraud is truly suspected.
County election officials only identified 182 cases where voting problems were clear enough that they referred them to investigators for further review, according to an Associated Press investigation. So far, only four cases have led to charges. No one has been convicted. No person’s vote was found to have been counted twice.
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Woodward reported from Washington. Associated Press writers David Klepper in Providence, Rhode Island, and Jill Colvin in Washington contributed to this report.
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EDITOR’S NOTE — A look at the veracity of claims by political figures.
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Find AP Fact Checks at http://apnews.com/APFactCheck
Follow @APFactCheck on Twitter: https://twitter.com/APFactCheck
Washington – The leader of the far-right Proud Boys and four of the group’s members have been charged with seditious conspiracy stemming from their alleged planning for and participation in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Enrique Tarrio, along with codefendants Ethan Nordean, Joseph Biggs, Zachary Rehl, and Dominic Pezzola, are accused of conspiring to use force to oppose the lawful transfer of presidential power “by preventing, hindering, or delaying by force the execution of the laws governing the transfer of power,” according to a grand jury indictment filed Monday.
The five men were previously indicted on charges of conspiracy and pleaded not guilty. Monday’s indictment adds the even more serious “seditious” element to the counts, although many of the details in the new indictment had previously been alleged in the initial conspiracy charges.
According to the indictment, in December 2020, Tarrio and the Proud Boys members conspired to obstruct and stop the counting of the Electoral College vote on Jan. 6. An unnamed individual sent Tarrio a document entitled “1776 RETURNS,” which described a plan to occupy multiple buildings in Washington, D.C., including congressional office buildings.
Using encrypted messaging programs, the indicted Proud Boys are accused of discussing their plans for the rally and beyond. One member of the group allegedly asked on Jan. 3, 2021, “What would they do if 1 million patriots stormed and too the capital building. Shoot into the crowd? I think not…They would do nothing because they can do nothing.”
That same day, according to charging documents, an unidentified individual sent a voice message in the group chat and is accused of stating in part, “The main operating theater should be out in front of the house of representatives…plan the operations based around the front entrance of the Capitol building.” Rehl allegedly responded, “good start.”
In court documents filed Monday evening, Rehl’s court-appointed attorney Carmen Hernandez asked the judge overseeing her client’s case for permission to publicly comment on the new indictment, citing local court rules that limit attorneys’ public disclosures.
“Without adding a single factual allegation concerning Mr. Rehl, the government today filed the Third Superseding Indictment in the instant case, nearly 1-1/2 years after Mr. Rehl was first indicted and detained pretrial and just two months before he is scheduled to begin trial,” the filing reads in part.
She later wrote, “the worst that has been alleged against Mr. Rehl is that he has associated himself with the Proud Boys, a lawful fraternal association as is his right protected by the First Amendment.”
Tarrio and his codefendants are the second group to be accused of seditious conspiracy. They join Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes and other accused members of the group previously charged with the most serious criminal charges in the sprawling Jan. 6 investigation.
Also on Monday, documentarian Nick Quested of Goldcrest Films confirmed to CBS News that he will testify during Thursday’s House January 6 Committee hearing. Quested was following Tarrio on Jan. 5, 2021, and captured a meeting with Tarrio and Oath Keepers’ leader Stewart Rhodes in a D.C. hotel parking garage.
Definida a atriz que viverá a mutante Dominó em Deadpool 2: Zazie Beetz, conhecida por seu papel regular na série Atlanta.
O anúncio foi feito pelo astro do filme, Ryan Reynolds, em seu Twitter, através de peças de dominó. Que outro jeito melhor de entrar no clima do filme, não?
Possivelmente, a personagem também dará as caras no filme da X-Force, previsto para 2019. Descrita como “sexy, flexível e atlética; de personalidade espirituosa, confiante e cheia de sarcasmo, sem jamais demonstrar verdadeiramente o que sente”, Dominó é membro do grupo de combate que pega missões perigosas (que não vão para os X-Men), e é composta por Deadpool, Cable, Wolverine, Mancha Solar e outros.
The Wisconsin gubernatorial primary was the headline election across four states Tuesday. But another blockbuster popped up in Minnesota, where Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar squeaked by a tight primary in her Minneapolis-based district.
Connecticut and Vermont also held primaries Tuesday, while Minnesota hosted a red-leaning special House election in addition to its primary — the latest test of the political environment in the post-Roe v. Wade era, which appears to show Democrats getting a boost.
Meanwhile, Vermont Democrats are getting ready to send a woman to Congress for the first time in state history. Another big Democratic primary on Tuesday turned into more of a formality when Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes’ rivals dropped out of the Senate race and endorsed him to take on GOP Sen. Ron Johnson in the fall.
Here is the latest from Tuesday.
Trump tries to remake Wisconsin in his own image
The race between Kleefisch and Michels had been a contentious one, with the two candidates battling it out for the right to face Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in a key November race.
Kleefisch was seen as an early favorite for the GOP nod until Michels’ late entry into the race. Michels’ self-funding, combined with the former president’s backing, turned the race competitive.
Trump’s intervention mirrored other previous Republican gubernatorial primaries, in which the former president looked to upend in-state GOP power structures, like when he unsuccessfully campaigned against Gov. Brian Kemp in Georgia. In Arizona last week, Trump’s pick for governor, former TV anchor Kari Lake, beat out Karrin Taylor Robson, who had the support of both outgoing GOP Gov. Doug Ducey — the co-chair of the Republican Governors Association — and Pence. (Ducey eventually endorsed Lake.)
Trump also targeted Wisconsin state Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, backing a primary challenger running against one of the most influential state legislative leaders in the country. Trump has been angered by Vos’ refusal to push for “decertifying” the 2020 election results — a legally impossible notion that has nevertheless gained traction on the right — even as Vos has led the state legislature in funding an investigation into the state’s elections. Vos scored a narrow win Tuesday night.
Trump also squared off with the local GOP in Connecticut’s Senate race — and won. There, the state party backed former state House Minority Leader Themis Klarides, a moderate who said she did not vote for Trump in 2020, while Trump swooped in with a late endorsement for victorious RNC Committeemember Leora Levy.
Minnesota fills a vacant House seat
Minnesota voters in a red-leaning district are deciding who will fill the final months of the late GOP Rep. Jim Hagedorn’s term, in a test of the political environment following the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision on abortion in June.
Republican former state Rep. Brad Finstad has a 4-point lead over the Democratic nominee, former Hormel Foods CEO Jeff Ettinger, in a district Trump carried by 9 points in 2020.
That shift in the margin against the presidential baseline could be an early sign of how voters’ reaction to the Supreme Court’s ruling is translating to candidates. Last week, Kansas voters overwhelmingly rejected a state constitutional amendment that would have cleared the way for new abortion restrictions there. But it remains an open question how strongly voters will consider abortion as they make their picks for elected offices.
Ettinger, who self-funded his campaign, also outspent Finstad by a significant margin.
Elsewhere in Minnesota, voters finalized a matchup between Democratic Gov. Tim Walz and former Republican state Sen. Scott Jensen, who only faced nominal opposition in his primary in a state Republicans argued could be a sleeper battleground race.
The GOP also elevated Kim Crockett, an activist who has questioned the results of the 2020 elections, to face Democratic Secretary of State Steve Simon.
Omar fends off a primary challenger
Omar, who as a member of “The Squad” is among one of the most well-known members of the House, won a surprisingly tight primary in her district against Don Samuels, a former Minneapolis city council member.
Samuels raised more than $1 million for his bid, and outraised the incumbent this year. She was able to beat back a well-funded primary challenger by 20 points in 2020. Pro-Israel outside groups tried to boost her challenger last cycle, but largely sat out this race.
Omar is the heavy favorite in this deep blue district in November.
Vermont prepares to send its first woman to Washington
Vermont is the lone state to never yet send a woman to Congress, but voters took a big step toward changing that Tuesday. The leading contenders for the Democratic nomination in the state’s open at-large House seat to replace Rep. Peter Welch — who locked up the Democratic nod for Senate on Tuesday — were both women, and state Senate President Becca Balint ended up winning the primary. She will be heavily favored in November.
Voters pick candidates in a handful of key House districts
Some of the biggest November House battlegrounds have relatively sleepy primaries on Tuesday. In Minnesota, Democratic Rep. Angie Craig and Republican Tyler Kistner are both preparing for a general election rematch, after Craig narrowly beat Kistner in 2020. And two reach seats for Republicans in Connecticut — to challenge Democratic Reps. Jahana Hayes and Joe Courtney — have no-drama, unopposed primaries Tuesday as well.
One contest to watch is the Democratic primary to replace the retiring Rep. Ron Kind (D-Wis.). Three Democrats — Deb McGrath, Brad Pfaff and Rebecca Cooke — are competing for the nomination to face Republican Derrick Van Orden, whom Kind beat by about 3 points in 2020, in a district that the GOP views as one of its best pickup opportunities of the year. Pfaff led early Wednesday morning.
Mr. Van Drew may already have Democratic challenger. Brigid Harrison, a politics professor at Montclair State University, had been publicly signaling that she was considering a primary challenge to Mr. Van Drew. Already, she has met with many of the county Democratic leaders in the district, as well as Stephen M. Sweeney, the powerful State Senate president.
Now, she says an announcement about her candidacy as a Democrat is imminent.
“At the end of the day, whether you’re a Democrat or a Republican or an independent, what you don’t like is a traitor,” Ms. Harrison said in an interview. “So now, in addition to prioritizing his political career over the direction of the country, Congressman Van Drew is also a traitor to his voters.”
Mr. Van Drew has long had a difficult relationship with many Democrats in his home state, based in part on his support for gun rights. But during his years in the state legislature, he was an important Democratic vote for the southern block of the state, so he was largely spared from intraparty threats.
Still, once he was elected to Congress, Mr. Van Drew began to stray more visibly from the state delegation. He skipped a delegation meeting in Washington with Gov. Philip D. Murphy, the lone lawmaker from New Jersey’s 13 Democratic representatives and senators to do so.
And since he has been publicly indicating he will not vote for impeachment, party leaders in New Jersey have intensified their opposition. Mr. Van Drew had reportedly sought a letter of support from Democratic county leaders to help prop him up after his impeachment vote, but was denied.
Instead, Mr. Suleiman, the powerful Atlantic County chairman, sent the stern letter to Mr. Van Drew.
“Atlantic County Democrats have a tough time as it is facing 100 years of ‘Boardwalk Empire;’ we cannot afford to have Democrats sit on their hands in a presidential year when we usually perform well,” he wrote in a letter first obtained by The New Jersey Globe.
GoFundMe shut down a fundraiser for a Canadian protest over cross-border trucker vaccine mandates.
GoFundMe on Friday said it would work with organizers to redistribute the funds to other charities.
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis called that plan “fraud” saying he’d investigate “deceptive practices.”
Gov. Ron DeSantis said he would work with Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody to investigate GoFundMe for “deceptive practices” after the company said it would send remaining funds from the “Freedom Convoy” campaign to charities picked by organizers.
In a statement, GoFundMe said $1 million was released earlier this week and that fundraising organizers said the funds would be used for people who were traveling to Ottawa to participate in peaceful protests.
“Given how this situation has evolved, no further funds will be directly distributed to the Freedom Convoy organizers — we will work with organizers to send all remaining funds to credible and established charities chosen by the Freedom Convoy 2022 organizers and verified by GoFundMe,” the platform said.
Ottawa Police Chief Peter Sloly told The Washington Post on Saturday that there were a thousand vehicles, roughly 5,000 protesters, and at least 300 counterprotesters in the city.
“This is a siege,” Sloly told the Post. “It is something that is different in our democracy than I’ve ever experienced in my life.”
DeSantis on Saturday morning said, “It is a fraud for @gofundme to commandeer $9M in donations sent to support truckers and give it to causes of their own choosing.”
São Paulo – Lebanese citizens no longer need to request a visa in each trip to Brazil. They will be entitled to three-year visas, for tourism and business trips, and may use them whenever they visit the country within that period. The measure was announced by the Brazilian minister of External Relations, Luiz Alberto Figueiredo Machado, in Brasília, in a meeting with the Lebanese minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants, Gebran Bassil, who is in Brazil. The multiple-entry visa may be used for 90-day stays in Brazil, and is renewable for another 90-day period within a year.
VPR
Bassil (R) and Temer (L): Lebanon wants Brazilian help in Middle East
The two countries have also signed an agreement exempting diplomatic passport bearers, officers and professionals on special mission or on duty from visa requirement. By the agreement, citizens during such trips, from any of the two countries, may stay in the other nation for a period of up to 90 days without a visa. The period may be extended on request during the professional’s mission in Lebanon or Brazil.
Bassil arrived in the country on Wednesday (9th) and this Thursday (10th), he had meetings with several Brazilian authorities in Brasília. He also signed with Machado a memorandum that provides for bilateral consultations between Lebanon and Brazil, so opinions can be exchanged on local and international issues of common interest. According to the text released by the minister of Foreign Affairs, the goal is to strengthen “traditional bilateral and cooperation relations.”
The Lebanese minister was also welcomed by Brazilian vice president, Michel Temer (affiliated with political party PMDB), in Brasília. He asked the Brazilian vice leader for Brazil’s intermediation to help solve conflicts in Middle East, according to information released by the website of the vice presidency. “Brazil encourages dialogue, pacification and more dialogue in that region, especially via the UN. The conflict must be ended because Lebanon is often the stage for neighboring conflicts, especially from Syria today,” said Temer. According to the vice president, the minister asked for the Brazilian Army’s help. The Brazilian Navy is already active in Lebanon as part of the United Nations Peace Mission.
Temer promised to discuss the subjects brought up by Bassil with the Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff (affiliated with PT, the Worker’s Party). At the meeting with Temer, Bassil also manifested interest in intensifying trade relations and investments between the two countries. “We want Brazilian companies to invest in Lebanon. We are also interested in direct commercial flights connecting both countries,” said the Lebanese chancellor. The agreements signed with The Brazilian Ministry of External Relations (also known as Itamaraty) should boost trade and diplomatic relations. Both the visa agreement and the memorandum of understanding should enter into force as soon as each country complies with their own internal procedures for such.
This Friday (11th) Lebanon’s foreign minister will be in the city of São Paulo, where he will have a series of meetings with local authorities. The plans include meetings with governor Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB), mayor Fernando Haddad (PT) and ex-president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bassil will also be welcomed for a luncheon by the Arab Brazilian Chamber of Commerce president Marcelo Sallum.
The Islamic State group claimed responsibility for a wave of coordinated bombings at churches and high-end hotels across Sri Lanka.
The terrorist organization provided no evidence to support the claim, which was announced in a statement in Arabic published by its Amaq news agency on Tuesday, saying the attackers were “among the fighters of the Islamic State,” according to a translation by SITE Intelligence Group, a company that tracks extremist groups.
Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe acknowledged the claim when taking questions from reporters during a press conference in the capital, Colombo.
“All that we knew earlier is that there were foreign links and that this could not have been done just locally,” Wickremesinghe said. “There has been training done and a coordination which we [have] not seen earlier.”
At least 310 people were killed and another 500 were injured Sunday when near-simultaneous explosions took place at eight locations across the island nation, which is located off the southern tip of India.
Three explosions erupted at churches holding Easter services while three others happened at hotels, including some commonly used by Western tourists. Most of the explosions were detonated by suicide bombers, according to the Sri Lankan defense ministry.
The first funerals for victims were held Tuesday.
At least four Americans were among those killed, according to a U.S. official briefed on the investigation. One of the Americans was identified Monday as Dieter Kowalski, 40, of Denver, according to his mother and Pearson, the London-based global education company that employed him.
At least 45 children were also among the dead, including at least five who were not Sri Lankan, according to Christophe Boulierac, a spokesman for the United Nations Children’s Fund.
Ruwan Wijewardene, the state minister of defense, told the Sri Lankan parliament Tuesday that authorities have information showing Sunday’s blasts were carried out “in retaliation” for last month’s attacks at two mosques in New Zealand that killed 50 people.
Sri Lanka’s health minister, Rajitha Senaratne, on Monday blamed the deadly blasts on a little-known domestic Muslim militant group called National Thowfeek Jamaath.
At least 40 suspects have been arrested around the country in connection to the Easter explosions, Sri Lankan police spokesman Ruwan Gunasekara told ABC News. Twenty-six of them were being questioned by the criminal investigations department Tuesday, while three were being held by the terrorist investigations unit.
ABC News’ Ben Gittleson, Josh Margolin, Kirit Radia, Nadine Shubailat and Alex Stone contributed to this report.
Kentucky Republican Sen. Rand Paul opens up about being surrounded by protesters after leaving White House.
U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., said he was attacked by a “crazed mob” of more than 100 people after leaving the White House following President Trump’s acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention.
“Just got attacked by an angry mob of over 100, one block away from the White House, he wrote on Twitter early Friday. “Thank you to @DCPoliceDept for literally saving our lives from a crazed mob.”
GRAPHIC LANGUAGE WARNING FOR TWEETS
Video on social media appeared to show a crowd chasing and jeering Paul, who was escorted by D.C. police as he returned to his hotel. An officer was captured on video being shoved by a protester and was nearly knocked over. Paul appeared to help steady the officer.
Police formed a wall around Paul and his wife, Kelley Paul as protesters chanted, “Breonna Taylor” and “no justice, no peace!”
The senator and his wife didn’t appear to be injured.
Hundreds of protesters had gathered outside the White House on Thursday evening as President Trump prepared to give his speech from the South Lawn.
Fencing was set up along the perimeter of the White House to keep protesters away, but shouts could be heard from the South Lawn.
Protesters yelled, “No justice, no peace!” and “Join us!” while holding anti-Trump and Black Lives Matter signs, beating drums and playing other music.
The demonstration was complete with a band, what appeared to be a “party” school bus and a character dressed as the infamous Baby Trump holding a cell phone. Images showed attendees taking photos of a guillotine with an effigy of Trump.
Once Trump’s speech was over, the unrest seemed to intensify. Videos emerged on social media that appeared to show city police clashing with protesters who called them names like “pig.” There were unconfirmed reports of arrests.
Video emerged that claimed to show a bus carrying RNC attendees being targeted by protesters, some of whom jumped on and tried to gain entry. Others appeared to try and prevent the bus from backing up.
Video posted by the Daily Caller purportedly showed protesters hurling expletives at attendees leaving Trump’s speech. Police officers appeared to provide security for the guests.
“Go to hell,” one person could be heard shouting.
Protesters rally along 16th Street, Northwest, renamed Black Lives Matter Plaza, Thursday, Aug. 27, 2020, in Washington. (Associated Press)
An elderly couple was confronted as they crossed the street by at least one protester who screamed at them while making an obscene gesture, according to a video.
The demonstration outside the White House had three stages and five DJs for the “Drown Out Trump Live GoGo Show and Noise Demo” planned to coincide with Trump’s speech, Washington’s FOX 5 reported.
MOSCOW — Thirty years ago, the Soviet Union ceased to be. The flag was lowered for the last time on Dec. 25, 1991. That moment still begs deep questions for its heirs: Who were we as Soviets and where are we going as Russians?
Many of those answers can be found on a Moscow boulevard — named Gorky Street, after writer Maxim Gorky, from 1932 to 1990 and renamed Tverskaya Street, a nod to the ancient city Tver, as the Soviet Union was awash in last-gasp reforms.
It was the Soviet Union’s display window on the bright future Kremlin-run communism was supposed to bring. It was where the KGB dined, the rich spent their rubles, Vladimir Lenin gave speeches from a balcony and authorities wielded their power against one of the most famous Soviet dissidents, Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
In 1990s, Tverskaya embodied the fast-money excess of the post-Soviet free for all. In later years, it was packed with hopeful pro-democracy marchers. And now, under President Vladimir Putin, it is a symbol of his dreams of reviving Russia as a great power, reliving past glories and crushing any opposition to his rule.
Join a tour of Moscow’s famed Tverskaya Street.
The window in Room 107 at the Hotel Nationalfaces Red Square and the Kremlin. It’s a perfect view of Lenin’s tomb — fitting since he was Room 107’s most famous guest.
The Kremlin had been damaged during the Russian Revolution in 1917. So Lenin and his wife moved into Room 107 for seven days in March 1918, making the hotel the first home of the Soviet government.
The Hotel National in Moscow, from top: Artwork in the Socialist Realist style, which artists were ordered to adopt in the 1930s, still adorns the hotel; Elena Pozolotina has worked at the hotel since 1995; the hotel, which contains a restaurant, was built in 1902; and the hotel has hosted notable guests, including Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin, then-Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) and actor Jack Nicholson. (Photos by Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
The National, built in 1902 during Imperial Russia, also accommodated other Soviet leaders, including Leon Trotsky and Felix Dzerzhinsky, the secret police chief. The building continued to be used by the Soviet government as a hostel for official party delegates and was renamed First House of Soviets in 1919.
Guests can now stay in the same room Lenin did for about $1,300 per night. In more recent years, the hotel has hosted notable guests including Barack Obama (when he was a senator) and actor Jack Nicholson.
“This hotel feels a little like a museum,” said Elena Pozolotina, who has worked at the National since 1995.
“We have rooms that look onto Tverskaya Street, and we always explain to guests that this is the main street of our city,” Pozolotina said. “This corner of Tverskaya that we occupy, it’s priceless.”
When Soviet leader Joseph Stalin demanded a massive redevelopment of Moscow in 1935, the order came to transform modest Gorky Street into a wide, awe-inspiring boulevard.
Engineer Emmanuel Gendel had the job of moving massive buildings to make way for others. Churches and monasteries were blown up, replaced by newspaper offices and a huge cinema.
The Moscow Central Eye Hospital was sheared from its foundation, rotated 97 degrees, jacked up, hitched on rails and pushed back 20 yards — with surgeons operating all the while, or so official media reported at the time.
Gendel’s daughter, then about 8, proudly stood at a microphone, announcing: “Attention, attention, the building is moving.” Tatiana Yastrzhembskaya, Gendel’s granddaughter and president of the Winter Ball charity foundation in Moscow, recalls that Gendel extolled communism but also enjoyed the rewards of the elite. He drove a fine car and always brought the family the best cakes and candies, she said.
The largest Gorky Street building Gendel moved was the Savvinskoye Courtyard.The most difficult was the Mossoviet, or Moscow city hall, with a balcony where Lenin had given speeches. The building, a former residence of the Moscow governor general, had to be moved with its basement. The ground floor had been a ballroom without central structural supports.
Moving buildings on Gorky Street in 1940, from left: A mechanic at a control panel regulates the supply of electricity while a house is being moved; a postal worker passes a moving house; a specialist unwinds a telephone cable during a building move to maintain uninterrupted communication; and 13 rail tracks were placed under a house, on which 1,200 metal rollers were laid. (Photos by RGAKFD)
Gendel’s skills were used all over the U.S.S.R. — straightening towers on ancient mosques in Uzbekistan, inventing a means to drag tanks from rivers during World War II and consulting on the Moscow Metro.
Like many of the Soviet Union’s brightest talents, Gendel’s freedom was tenuous. His ex-wife was called by the KGB internal spy agency in 1937 and asked to denounce him. She refused, and he avoided arrest.
“I believe he was not arrested and sent to the camps because he was a unique expert,” said Yastrzhembskaya. World War II, known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War, interrupted the Master Plan for Gorky Street.
In the 1930s, the head of the elite NKVD secret police, Lavrenty Beria, architect of the Stalin-era purges (known as the Great Terror), ordered the construction of a state-owned restaurant, Aragvi, to showcase food from his home republic of Georgia.
One night, NKVD agents descended in several black cars on a humble Georgian canteen in Moscow that Beria once visited. The agents ordered the chef, Longinoz Stazhadze, to come with them. The feared NKVD was a precursor to the KGB.
Stazhadze thought he was being arrested, his son Levan told Russian media. He was taken to Beria, who said that he had agreed with “the Boss” (Stalin) that Stazhadze would run Aragvi. Stazhadze had grown up a peasant, sent to work in a prince’s kitchens as a boy.
Aragvi opened in 1938. It was only for the gilded set, a reminder that the “Soviet paradise” was anything but equal. The prices were astronomical. It was impossible to get a table unless the doorman knew you or you could pay a hefty bribe.
Aragvi, at No. 6 Tverskaya, was a favorite of the secret police; government officials; cosmonauts and pilots; stars of theater, movies and ballet; directors; poets; chess masters. Beria reputedly dined in a private room. Poet Sergei Mikhalkov said he composed the lyrics of the Soviet national anthem while sitting in the restaurant in 1943.
It was privatized in the 1990s and struggled, before closing in 2002.It reopened in 2016 after a $20 million renovation. But the new Aragvi closed abruptly in 2019 amid reports of a conflict between its owner and the building managers.
“You put your entire soul into cooking,” said the former head chef, Nugzar Nebieridze, 59, celebrated for his khinkali, a meaty dumping almost the size of a tennis ball. He was devastated to find himself unemployed. But other doors opened. He now prefers to travel, giving master classes around Russia.
On March 6, 1953, the day after Stalin died of a stroke, an estimated 2 million Muscovites poured onto the streets. They hoped to catch a glimpse of his body, which was covered with flowers and laid out in the marbled Hall of Columns near the Red Square.
Yulia Revazova, then 13, sneaked from her house with her cousin Valery without telling their parents. As they walked toward Pushkin Square, at one end of Gorky Street, the procession turned into a scene of horror. They saw people falling and being trampled. Some were crushed against metal fences. Valery, who was a few years older, grabbed Yulia by the hand and dragged her out of the crowd.
“He held my hand really tight and never let it go, because it was pure madness,” she recalled recently. “It took us four or five hours to get out of there. People kept coming and coming, I couldn’t even call it a column, it was just an uncontrollable mass of people.”
“I still have this feeling, the fear of massive crowds,” added Revazova, 82. “To this day, if I see a huge group of people or a really long line, I just cross the street.”
Neither Revazova nor her cousin knew about Stalin’s repressions.
“People were crying. I saw many women holding little handkerchiefs, wiping away tears and wailing,” she recalled. “That’s the psychology of a Soviet person. If there is no overarching figure above, be it God or Lenin, life will come crashing down. The era was over and there was fear. What will we do without Stalin?”
Officials never revealed how many people had died that day. The Soviet-approved archival footage of the four days of national mourning showed only orderly marches and memorials.
The Soviet culture minister, the steely Yekaterina Furtseva, was nicknamed Catherine the Third after the forceful Russian Empress Catherine the Great. Furtseva destroyed writers, artists or anyone who challenged Soviet ideas. She livedat an elite 1949apartment for government officials at No. 9 — an ultra-prestigious address with a view of the Kremlin.
Furtseva, a former small-town weaver, made sure that No. 9 was only for the cream of party officials and other notables, like famous Soviet actress Natalia Seleznyova, scientists, conductors and architects.
Riding the coattails of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, Furtseva was the only woman in the Politburo and later became the Soviet Union’s cultural gatekeeper despite her provincial sensibilities. She once infamously mixed up a symphony with an opera, and critics were quick to notice.
“She had little in common with the artistic leaders of her country except a liking for vodka,” wrote Norwegian painter Victor Sparre, in his 1979 book on repression of dissident Soviet writers, “The Flame in the Darkness.”
Furtseva was famous for previewing performances, and banning anyone even subtly critical of Soviet policiesas anti-state. Director Yuri Lyubimov described one such visit to Moscow Taganka Theater in 1969, when she turned up wearing diamond rings and an astrakhan coat. She banned the play “Alive,” depicting a cunning peasant’s struggle against the collective farm system.She “was livid, she kept shouting,” he told L’Alternative magazine in 1984. She stormed out, warning him she would use her influence, “up to the highest levels,” against him.
He was expelled from the party and in 1984 was stripped of his citizenship. She vehemently denounced Solzhenitsyn and banned the Bolshoi Ballet’s version of “Carmen” in 1967 over prima ballerina Maya Plisetskaya’s sensual performance and short “un-Soviet” costumes that did not cover enough leg.
“The ballet is all erotica,” she told the dancer. “It’s alien to us.” But Plisetskaya, whom Khrushchev once called the world’s best dancer, fought back. The ballet went on with some excisions (the costumes stayed) and became a legend in the theater’s repertoire.
Furtseva was nearly felled by scandal in 1974, ordered to repay $80,000 spent building a luxurious dacha, or country home, using state labor. She died months later.
The Nobel Prize-winning Solzhenitsyn exposed the Soviet system’s cruelty against some of its brightest minds trapped in the gulag, or prison camps.
Solzhenitsyn was given eight years hard labor in 1945 for privately criticizing Stalin, then three years in exile in Kazakhstan, a Soviet republic at the time. His books were banned. After release from exile in 1956, he was only allowed to make 72-hour visits to his second wife Natalia’s apartment at 12 Gorky St., Apartment 169. Solzhenitsyn had to live outside the city.
“People knew that there were camps, but not many people, if any, knew what life was like in those camps. And he described it from the inside. He had been there himself, and that was shocking to a lot of people,” said Natalia Solzhenitsyna during a recent interview at the apartment, which became a museum in 2018.
“Many people say that he did make a contribution to the final fall of the Soviet Union.”
Solzhenitsyn, who died in 2008, called Russia “the land of smothered opportunities.” He wrote that it always possible to live with integrity. Lies and evil might flourish — “but not through me.”
The museum displays tiny handwritten copies of Solzhenitsyn’s books, circulated secretly; film negatives of letters smuggled to the West, and beads made of compacted bread he used to memorize poems in prison.
“He spent a lot of time here with his children. We were always very busy. And we just enjoyed ourselves — being together.” They had three sons.
No. 12 Gorky St., from top: Natalia Solzhenitsyna lived in the apartment for years, and her husband, Soviet dissident Alexander Solzhenitsyn, was only allowed short visits; the site now houses a museum displaying items connected to him, such as negatives with a copy of a novel he wrote; another exhibit includes Solzhenitsyn’s clothes from when he was sent to the gulag and beads made of compacted bread he used to memorize poems; and the Nobel Prize-winning writer’s desk is featured at the museum. (Photos by Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
If they were discussing something sensitive, they wrote notes to each other because of KGB bugs, and destroyed them. Two KGB agents usually roosted in the stairwell on the floor above and two more on the floor below.
“The Soviet authorities were afraid of him because of his popularity among intellectuals, writers, people of culture and the intelligentsia.”
Her favorite room is decked with black-and-white photos of dissidents sent to the gulag, the Soviet Union’s sprawling system of forced labor camps. “It’s dedicated to the invisibles,” she said, pointing out friends.
Sweden planned to award Solzhenitsyn’s 1970 literature prize in the Gorky Street apartment, but the writer rejected a secret ceremony. A Swedish journalist in Moscow, Stig Fredrikson, was Solzhenitsyn’s smuggler. He carried Solzhenitsyn’s Nobel lecture on tightly rolled film disguised as a battery in a transistor radio, and he brought other letters to the West and photos taped to his back.
“I felt that there was a sense of unfairness that he was so isolated and so persecuted,” Fredrikson said in a recent interview. “I got more and more scared and more and more afraid every time I met him.”
In 1971, the Soviet Union allegedly tried to poison Solzhenitsyn using a secret nerve agent, leaving him seriously ill. Early 1974 was tense. The prosecutor subpoenaed him. State newspapers railed against him.
The morning of Feb. 12, 1974, the couple worked in their study. In the afternoon, he walked his 5-month-old son, Stepan, in the yard below.
“He came back here and literally a minute later there was a ring at the door. There were eight men. They immediately broke the chain and got in,” his widow said. “There was a prosecutor in his prosecutor’s uniform, two men in plainclothes and the rest were in military uniform. They told him to get dressed.”
“We hugged and we kept hugging for quite awhile,” she recalled. “The last thing he told me was to take care of the children.”
He was deported to West Germany. The couple later settled in Vermont and set up a fund to help dissident writers using royalties from his book, “The Gulag Archipelago.” About 1,000 people still receive money from the fund, according to Solzhenitsyna.
When the writer and his wife returned to Russia in 1994, they traveled across the country by train. Thousands of people crushed into halls to hear him speak.
Solzhenitsyn abhorred the shock therapy and unchecked capitalism of the 1990s and preferred Putin’s tough nationalism. He died of heart failure at 89 in August 2008, five months after a presidential election that saw Putin switch places with the prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev, in a move that critics saw as a ploy to get around constitutional term limits.
Behind a grand, Stalin-era apartment block at 6 Gorky St. sits an ornate 1907 building famous for its facade, art nouveau glazed blue tiles, elegant arches and baroque spires. Once a monastery dormitory, it was a staple on pre-Soviet postcards from Moscow. But November 1939, the 26,000-ton building was put on rails and pushed back to widen the street.
Linguists Lev and Raisa Kopelev lived at Apartment 201 on the top floor. Their spacious dining room became a favored haven for Moscow’s intelligentsia from the 1950s to the 1980s.
During the Tverskaya Street reconstruction the Savvinskoye building, where Apartment 201 was located, was pushed back into the yard and blocked by this Stalin-era apartment block. Shown in 1966 and today. (Photos by RGAKFD and Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
“People gathered all the time — to talk. In this apartment, like many other kitchens and dining rooms, at tables filled more often than not with vodka, herring, and vinaigrette salad, feasts of thought took place,” said Svetlana Ivanova, Raisa’s daughter from another marriage, who lived in the apartment for nearly four decades.
Solzhenitsyn and fellow dissident Joseph Brodsky were the Kopelev family’s friends, among many other artists, poets, writers and scientists who formed the backbone of the Soviet human rights movement of the 1960s.
Kopelev was a writer and dissident, turning his back on the Communist Party and a prestigious university position. A former gulag prisoner, he inspired the character Lev Rubinin Solzhenitsyn’s novel “In the First Circle,” depicting the fate of arrested scientists.
“The apartment was a special place for everyone. People there were not afraid to speak their mind on topics that would be considered otherwise risky,” Ivanova said. “A new, different spirit ruled in its walls.”
The Eliseevsky store at No. 16 was a landmark for 120 years — born in czarist Russia, a witness to the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, a survivor of wars and a bastion during eras of shortages and plenty. It closed its doors in April.
Eliseevsky fell on hard times during the coronavirus pandemic as international tourists dwindled and Russians sought cheaper grocery shopping alternatives.
In the palace-like interior, two chandeliers hang from an ornate ceiling. Gilt columns line the walls. The front of the store, looking out at Tverskaya Street, has a row of stained glass.
The Eliseevsky store, which opened in 1901, is seen in April, with a few customers and some archival store photos, as it prepared to close as an economic victim of the coronavirus pandemic. (Photos by Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
Denis Romodin, a historian at the Museum of Moscow, said Eliseevsky is one of just two retail spaces in Moscow with such pre-revolutionary interiors. But Eliseevsky’s level of preservation made it “one of a kind,” he said.
The building was once owned by Zinaida Volkonskaya, a princess and Russian cultural figure in the 19th century. She remodeled the house into a literary salon whose luminaries included Russia’s greatest poet, Alexander Pushkin.
St. Petersburg merchant Grigory Eliseev opened the market in 1901. It quickly became a hit among Russian nobility for the selection of European wine and cheeses.
In 1934, the Eliseevsky store is seen next to a building that is being constructed; in September, the market, a landmark for 120 years, was empty, having closed in April. (Photos by RGAKFD and Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
The Eliseevsky store on Tverskaya Street is seen at night in the 1990s; the nighttime view today is different. (Photos by RGAKFD and Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
Romodin said it was Russia’s first store with price tags. Before Eliseevsky, haggling was the norm — and it was also unique in its innovative technology for the time: electric-powered refrigerators and display cases that allowed goods to be stored longer.
Even in the Soviet Union’s hungriest years, the 1930s famine, Eliseevsky stocked pineapples.
“One could find outlandish delicacies here, which at that time seemed very exotic,” Romodin said. “It was already impossible to surprise Muscovites with wine shops. But a grocery store with luxurious interiors, and large for that time, amazed and delighted Muscovites.”
In 1989, in a dusty government office by a corner of Pushkin Square, three young artists threw off decades of suffocating state control and opened the first independent art gallery.
That April, Yevgeny Mitta and two fellow students, Aidan Salakhova and Alexander Yakut, opened First Gallery. At the time, the Soviet Union was opening up under policies including glasnost, which gave more room for public debate and criticism.
Artists were ordered to adopt the Socialist Realist style in 1934, depicting scenes such as happy collective farmworkers. Expressionist, abstract and avant-garde art was banned. From the 1970s, underground art exhibitions were the only outlets to break the Soviet-imposed rules.
The First Gallery, from top: Yevgeny Mitta, Aidan Salakhova and Alexander Yakut opened the Soviet Union’s first independent art gallery in 1989 and received media attention; Mitta worked on a painting that he displays at his gallery; Mitta recalled recently that he “felt we had to make something new”; and an undated photo of Mitta at his gallery in Soviet times. (Photos by Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post and courtesy of Yevgeny Mitta)
“I just felt we had to make something new,” recalled Mitta, 58, who kept his interest in contemporary expressionism a secret at a top Moscow art school in the 1980s.
“It was like nothing really happened in art history in the 20th century, like it stopped,” he said. “The Socialist Realism doctrine was invented and spread to the artists as the only one possible way of developing paintings, films and literature.”
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, artists had to “learn how to survive, what to do, how to work and make a living,” he said.
In the Soviet Union’s final years, a mania raged for all things Western. Estée Lauder opened the first Western-brand shop on Gorky Street in 1989 after meeting Raisa Gorbachev, the wife of reformist Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, in December 1988.
The Soviet Union’s first McDonald’s, located across Pushkin Square on Gorky Street, opened Jan. 31, 1990 — a yellow-arched symbol of Gorbachev’s perestroika economic reforms. Pizza Hut opened later that year. (In 1998, Gorbachev starred in a commercial for the pizza chain.)
Karina Pogosova and Anna Patrunina were cashiers at McDonald’s on opening day. The line stretched several blocks. Police officers stood watch to keep it organized.
The Soviet Union’s first McDonald’s opened in 1990 and eager customers lined up to enter; Karina Pogosova, left, and Anna Patrunina were cashiers at the fast-food restaurant on Gorky Street then, and they are senior executives with the company today. (Photos by Peter Turnley/Corbis/VCG/Getty Images and Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
“The atmosphere was wonderful. The first day I had to smile the entire day and my face muscles hurt,” Patrunina said. “This is not a joke. Russians do not smile in general, so we were not used to smiling at all, not to mention for more than eight hours straight.”
Pogosova and Patrunina were students at the Moscow Aviation Institute when they learned McDonald’s was hiring through an ad in a local Moscow newspaper. Interview questions included: “How fast can you run 100 meters?” It was to gauge if someone was energetic enough for the job.
Pogosova and Patrunina are still with the company today, as senior vice president of development and franchising and vice president of operations, respectively.
“I thought that this is the world of opportunities and this new world is coming to our country, so I must be in this new world,” Patrunina said.
The smiling staff wasn’t the only culture shock for customers. Some had never tried the fountain sodas available. They were unaccustomed to food that wasn’t eaten with utensils. The colorful paper boxes that Big Macs came in were occasionally saved as souvenirs.
McDonald’s quickly became like a landmark on the street.
“I remember very well that the street and the entire city was very dark and McDonald’s was like an island of light with bright signage,” Pogosova said. “The street started to change after McDonalds opened its first restaurant there.”
The end of the Soviet Union uncorked Moscow’s wild 1990s. Some people made instant fortunes on acquiring state-owned enterprises at throwaway prices. Rules were being written on the fly. The city was pulsing with possibilities for those with money or those desperate to get some.
“It was easy to get drunk on this,” said Alex Shifrin, a former Saatchi & Saatchi advertising executive from Canada who lived in Moscow from the mid-90s until the late 2000s.
It all was on full display at Night Flight, Moscow’s first nightclub, opened by Swedish managers in 1991, in the final months of the Soviet Union, at Tverskaya, 17. The club introduced Moscow’s nouveau elite to “face control” — who merits getting past the rope line — and music-throbbing decadence.
The phrase “standing on Tverskaya” made its way into Russian vernacular as the street became a hot spot for prostitutes. Toward the end of the 2000s, Night Flight had lost its luster. The club scene in Moscow had moved on to bigger and bolder venues.
Decades before, No. 17 was famous as the building with the dancer: A statue of a ballerina, holding a hammer and sickle, placed atop thecupola during Stalin’s building blitz.
The statue of a ballerina, holding a hammer and sickle, could be seen atop the building at No. 17 in this 1943 photo; today, the dancer is missing. (Photos by RGAKFD and Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
Muscovites nicknamed the building the House Under the Skirt.
“The idea was to have Gorky Street as a museum of Soviet art. The statues represented a dance of socialism,” art historian Pavel Gnilorybov said. “The ballerina was a symbol of the freedom of women and the idea that, before the revolution, women were slaves. It is as if she is singing an ode to the regime.”
The statues were crumbling and were removed by 1958. People forgot them. Now a group of Muscovites, including Gnilorybov, are campaigning for the return of the ballerina.
“It’s an idea that we want to give the city as a gift. It’s not political,” he said. “It’s beautiful.”
Pushkin Square has been Moscow’s favorite meeting place for friends, lovers and political demonstrations.
In November 1927, Trotskyist opponents of Stalin marched to the 27th House of Sovietsat one end of Tverskaya Street, opposite the Hotel National, in one of the last public protests against the Soviet ruler.
A celebration to say goodbye to winter at Pushkin Square in February 1987. (Igor Stomakhin)A night view in 1959 of Pushkin Square, a favorite meeting place for many. (RGAKFD)
In December 1965, several dozen dissidents gathered in Pushkin Square to protest the trials of two writers. It became an annual event. People would gather just before 6 p.m. and, on the hour, remove their hats for a minute.
In 1987, dissidents collected signatures at Pushkin Square and other locations calling for a memorial to those imprisoned or killed by the Soviet state. The movement evolved into Memorial, a leading human rights group. Memorial was declared a “foreign agent” in 2016 under Putin’s sweeping political crackdowns.
In January 2018, left, and January 2021, right, protesters gathered at Pushkin Square. (Photos by Arthur Bondar for The Washington Post)
Protests in support of opposition leader Alexei Navalny met at Pushkin Square earlier this year. And it is where communists and liberals rallied on a rainy September night to protest 2021 parliamentary election results giving a landslide win to Putin’s United Russia party despite widespread claims of fraud.
Nearly 30 years after the fall of the U.S.S.R., Putin’s Russia carries some echoes of the stories lived out in Soviet times — censorship and repressions are returning. Navalny was poisoned by a nerve agent in 2020 and later jailed. Many opposition figures and independent journalists have fled the country. The hope, sleaze and exhilaration of the 1990s have faded. Tverskaya Street has settled into calm stagnation, waiting for the next chapter.
Arthur Bondar contributed to this report.
About this story
Story editing by Robyn Dixon and Brian Murphy. Photos and videos by Arthur Bondar. Archival footage from the Russian State Documentary Film and Photo Archive at Krasnogorsk; footage of Joseph Stalin’s funeral from the Martin Manhoff Archive, courtesy of Douglas Smith. Photo editing by Chloe Coleman. Video editing by Jason Aldag. Design and development by Yutao Chen. Design editing by Suzette Moyer. Maps by Dylan Moriarty. Graphics editing by Lauren Tierney. Copy editing by Melissa Ngo.
BuzzFeed’s extraordinary report last night suggests that President Trump conspired to induce perjury and obstruct justice. It has excited many Democrats. But even if BuzzFeed is correct in its central assertion — that two federal law enforcement sources say Trump told his former attorney, Michael Cohen, to lie to Congress — I’m not convinced it’s a major problem for the president. Unless, that is, law enforcement has audio recordings of Trump or his most inner circle speaking to that effect.
The key here is the burden of proof. According to BuzzFeed, he “personally instructed [Cohen] to lie” to Congress about when the Trump organization ended its effort to build a hotel in Moscow. If this is true, Trump would appear to be guilty of at least three federal criminal offenses: obstruction of justice, perjury, and conspiracy.
But it’s not enough for prosecutors to believe this to be true; they must be able to prove it. And from BuzzFeed’s report at least, it’s not at all clear if they have the means of doing so.
BuzzFeed claims that emails and interviews from Trump organization staffers have corroborated investigators’ belief in Trump’s guilt, but that’s unlikely to be enough to prosecute. What investigators need is a forensic, unimpeachable link that ties Trump to an unlawful conspiracy.
I sincerely doubt that emails or other notes would be enough because Trump’s defense team could allege someone else sent those notes without Trump’s knowledge or without his approval. But the biggest weakness here is Cohen himself. Whether you believe Cohen’s cooperation with the government is an act of contrition or an act to save himself from even more prison time, Cohen is ultimately a weak prosecution witness. He is a proven liar with an obvious conflict of interest. Any defense team would have a field day with Cohen. They would suggest that everything he says is about saving himself by offering up a bigger fish.
A winning prosecution would need forensic evidence that someone very close to the president, such as his son-in-law Jared Kushner or son Donald Trump Jr., was engaged in a conspiracy on the president’s behalf. Indeed, prosecutors would likely decline the case on the basis that the presumptive harm to the nation would outweigh the low likelihood of conviction.
This is not to say that Trump is out of the woods. He may face significantly more damaging revelations in relation to Russia in the months ahead.
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